AT THE 18TH CONGRESS OF THE CPI(M)
at New Delhi between April 6 and 11, 2005)
has witnessed a sharp escalation in the aggressive moves by US imperialism. On
the pretext of a global war on terrorism, the US unleashed a major war of
aggression on Iraq, part of its plan to reorder West Asia to suit its global
political resolution of the 17th Congress had correctly warned that
utilizing the September 11, 2001 attacks, the US would seek to expand the
imperialist offensive. The occupation of Iraq followed the attack on
Afghanistan. The US is targeting the two other countries in Bush’s ‘axis of
evil’ – North Korea and Iran. Syria has also been threatened. The sanctions
and blockade of Cuba have been tightened; the progressive government of
President Chavez in Venezuela has repeatedly been sought to be destabilized.
Characteristic of this phase of US imperialism is its brazen readiness to
use military force, violating the UN charter, international law and
national sovereignty. The US has set out a doctrine of pre-emptive war. Under
its direction, the eastern expansion of NATO has taken place. NATO has adopted
the new strategic doctrine of intervention outside Europe.
period, the world has seen imperialist war and aggression, the unilateral
flouting of international laws and trampling of national sovereignty. This has
made the world more unsafe, spawned rather than suppressed terroristic violence
and has encouraged a host of sectarian ideologies.
The war and
occupation of Iraq has dramatically exposed the predatory nature of US
imperialism which has no compunctions in trampling upon national sovereignty and
in resorting to brute force to garner a vantage position to consolidate its
hegemony. The British government played the shameful role of aiding and abetting
this aggression. The occupation has exposed the true nature of the US war on
terrorism. Iraq had no al-Qaeda, nor any weapons of mass destruction. What it
has is the world’s second largest oil reserves and a regime that was not
willing to bow to US diktat.
decade-long sanctions inflicted a terrible toll on the Iraqi people. The
invasion and occupation regime has led to deaths of over 100,000 Iraqis, mostly
civilians. Thousands of children have been killed, and an equal number maimed
and permanently disabled. The brutal torture of prisoners by the American troops
was starkly exposed in pictures of Abu Ghraib prison. Violence against women is
spiralling and the secular nature of Iraqi society is being seriously
undermined. The elections to the national assembly held under US occupation on
January 30, 2005 have little legitimacy as it is clear that all policies will be
dictated by the US.
highlights the central position of West Asia in the US global strategy. The
control of the oil resources of West Asia and Central Asia is a key factor for
the US to maintain the imperialist system and its own hegemony of the
imperialist bloc. Iraq has therefore become the centre-point in the struggle
against imperialist hegemony.
under US Hegemony
leadership and dominance of the imperialist system was established after the
Second World War in 1945. That remains intact despite some vicissitudes in the
past when the decline of US economic power led to challenges from the other two
centers, Europe and Japan. The US with its vastly superior military power is
playing the role of hegemon and arbiter in the imperialist bloc. The US alone
spends nearly fifty per cent of the total global military expenditure. It has in
the nineties and after September 11 extended its military reach and established
military bases and presence in new areas like Central Asia and former Soviet
republics. It promotes the militarisation of Japan which prompted the Koizumi
government to send troops to Iraq and embark on production of new weapons.
The United States shares with the advanced capitalist countries of
Western Europe and Japan, the common interest of backing global finance
capital and the transnational corporations. Being the strongest power, it acts
as the hegemon of the imperialist system.
doing so, the US makes sure its national interests are served and its
pre-eminent position protected. The US seeks to hegemonise the resources of the
world. The control of oil resources is not confined to the middle-east. It
extends to the Caspian Sea basin and the policing of the oil-pipelines being
laid from the Caucasus and Central Asia. The absence of the Soviet Union and the
ascendancy of the neo-conservative right wing circles in the US have led to the
open advocacy of the imperialist role for America and the efforts to impose an
imperial order by use of force, economic coercion, blockades and illegal
The US has
in this period adopted a new strategic doctrine which spells out how it will
seek to retain world domination. For the first time, the strategy declares that
the US will not allow any other foreign power to catch up with the huge lead the
US has established since the fall of the Soviet Union. Further, the strategy
calls for use of force to desist potential adversaries from surpassing or
equalling the United States in military strength. It advocates preemptive
military strikes against countries or terrorist groups who supposedly threaten
America’s security interests.
withdrew from the anti-ballistic missile treaty of 1972 in order to build new
weapons and missile systems such as the National Missile Defence. It refused to
ratify the biological weapons convention. While reserving the right to produce
new weapons and expanding the use of nuclear weapons, the US embarked on a
counter-proliferation campaign targeting countries such as Iran, North Korea and
Brazil to prevent them from developing nuclear technology. In contrast, Israel,
under the special protection of the US, is allowed to keep nuclear weapons.
The role of
the United Nations has been increasingly subverted. The United States has
brazenly disregarded the UN Charter. The United Nations has to be restructured
to prevent unilateral dictates, without which no rule-based and democratic
international system is possible. Democratization of the UN system assumes
importance as a check to imperialist hegemony.
re-election of President Bush, the aggressive reactionary sections of the US
ruling classes will continue to espouse the doctrine of a neo-liberal
imperialism which intervenes globally to establish ‘democracy’ and free
markets and goes about this business with a big stick in hand.
Fighting this dangerous face of US imperialism, opposition to war
and the imperialist sponsored suppression of movements for national liberation,
defence of national sovereignty and opposition to economic coercion and
blockades are the key tasks of this period.
of the Capitalist System
current aggressiveness of imperialism is fuelled by the crisis in the world
capitalist system and by the contradictions of world capitalism today.
Programmes of liberalization and structural adjustment are a response to the
present crisis of capitalism. At the same time, the drive to impose programmes
of liberalization and privatisation indiscriminately on the people of the world
has aggravated the crisis of capitalism just as the offensive of international
finance has increased the instability of the world capitalist system.
The 17th Congress was held at a time when the global economy
was in a recession. This specific period, which began in 200l, ended by
mid-2003. According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the annual rate of
growth of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in the world rose to 3.9 per cent in 2003
and was estimated at 5.0 per cent in 2004. This recovery, however, was far from
uniform, and the average figures for the world conceal great unevenness and
variation in the economic growth experienced by different countries and regions.
the one side, the annual rate of growth in the United States rose to 3 per cent
in 2003 and has been estimated at 4.3 per cent in 2004. The main reason for the
change from recession to growth in the United States was the increase in
military expenditure, which increased more than 40 per cent in 2003 alone.
Another reason for income growth at the international level was robust growth in
China and growth in some Asian countries. By contrast, increase in national
income was limited or even non-existent in many advanced capitalist countries,
and economic growth bypassed many less-developed countries entirely. In the euro
currency region, the annual rate of growth of GDP was 0.8 per cent in 2002 and
0.5 per cent in 2003, and an optimistic estimate of growth in 2004 is 2.2 per
cent. Japan has faced recession for a decade, and the annual rate of change of
its GDP was actually negative, - 0.3 per cent, in 2002. Although this figure
rose to 2.5 per cent in 2003, by the end of 2004, analysts predicted that
Japan’s economy was slowing down again.
economic growth in the United States has been driven by military expenditure.
This military expenditure was financed by public borrowing, which led to a
decline in the fiscal surplus and the creation of a fiscal deficit. In 2000, the
US had a fiscal surplus of 2.0 per cent of the GDP; this was converted into a
fiscal deficit of 3.3 per cent in 2003 and 4 per cent in 2004. As a result of
the fiscal deficit, there was a sharp increase in imports, which, in turn,
widened the balance of payments deficit. This phenomenon of ‘twin deficits’
- fiscal and balance of payments – in the US is the underlying cause of the
recent decline in the value of the dollar and of fears of a collapse. The
‘twin deficits’ illustrate the unsustainable nature of the recent capitalist
The US has
been able to finance this deficit because of its position as the leading
imperialist power, which makes the dollar the world’s reserve currency, and
the currency in which the world’s financial wealth is mainly held. The status
of the dollar helps attract capital flows into financial assets that are
denominated in dollars and in the US. This perception by international capital
of the United States being a safe haven is, clearly, not determined by the
economic strength of the US but by its military might, which strengthens the
conviction that it has the brute power to rearrange world economic relations to
sustain its economic growth. The advanced capitalist countries realise that a
decline in the value of the dollar is inevitable; nevertheless, they do not want
a sudden crash in its value. In other words, efforts to ensure a soft landing
rather than a crash are under way.
recovery in the world capitalist economy, such as it is, has been characterised
not just by jobless growth, but by ‘job-loss’ growth, thus showing that
capitalism is unable to transfer any of the benefits of growth to the working
people. In the US the unemployment rate rose from 4.0 percent in 2000 to 6.0 per
cent in 2003. In the advanced capitalist countries as a whole the corresponding
figures were 5.8 per cent and 6.6 percent.
onslaught of modern finance-driven capitalism against the working class and its
hard-earned gains continues to characterise the advanced capitalist countries.
In the countries of the European Union, and in Russia and Eastern Europe, where
capitalism has been restored, the public sector is being privatised, the
remuneration of workers reduced, and social security cut back.
unemployment, tax cuts for the rich and massive reductions in welfare measures
for the poor are among the pernicious features of contemporary capitalism.
power of finance capital and its mobility tends to mute inter-imperialist
contradictions. But this does not prevent conflicts occurring as during the Iraq
war between the US and France and Germany. Cooperation and conflict now coexist
in inter-imperialist relations. The European Union has been expanded and now has
25 countries. The expanded European Union with the new draft Constitution is
constructed in a manner to serve the interests of big business and finance
capital. Such a set up contains the basis for cooperation with the US while
conflicts remain. The Communists endeavour to shift Europe away from the grip of
transnational capital and the Atlanticist alliance as against the social
democratic stance of integration with transnational capital.
side of US-style predatory capitalism has repeatedly been exposed. The exposure
of fraud led to the collapse of the Enron Corporation; subsequently, a series of
big corporations were found to be cheating the public and cooking their books.
Thousands of employees lost their jobs when such companies closed down or had to
be merged with others.
administration’s close links with the oil and arms industry shapes its
anti-environmental outlook. It is not surprising that the U.S., which promotes
wasteful and environmentally harmful policies to fuel the super profits of big
business, has refused to sign the Kyoto Protocol. The drive for profit and the
consumerist nature of contemporary capitalism cause and intensify the now
serious problems of depletion of the ozone layer, climate change and loss of
morals-free pursuit of wealth is closely linked to the burgeoning of corruption
and crime. The degeneration of human values can be seen in the pornography
industry, now worth billions of dollars, and in the enormous growth in
trafficking in women and children. The drug and narcotics trade generates funds
that are ploughed back into pernicious business activities.
on Developing Countries
capital dominates current-day capitalism. Its expansion drives the imperialist
assault on the economies of less-developed countries. Its current offensive
involves not just opening the markets of less-developed countries to commodities
and foreign direct investment from the advanced capitalist countries, but also
opening up the financial sector to permit free play of speculative finance in
stock and capital markets in the search for superprofits. The inflow of such
capital imposes a sharp decline in public expenditure in the recipient
capital is against deficit-financed state spending for a variety of reasons. The
strategies pursued by dominant classes in the Third World countries have
increased their dependence on global finance capital. In order to appease global
finance, Third World governments have had to open their economies and cut back
on state expenditures, especially expenditures on capital formation and welfare,
in order to curtail deficits. Such policies have had the effect also of reducing
national income-growth in the less-developed countries. In addition to these
stresses and strains, the steep rise in oil prices from mid-2004, fuelled mainly
by speculation, has hit the oil-importing developing countries very hard.
the harmful results of such policies is overwhelming. Large parts of the
developing world are characterized by persistence of poverty, hunger, disease
and illiteracy. Of the 4.9 billion people in developing countries in 2000,
around 1.1 billion lived on less than a dollar a day, more than 950 million were
illiterate, 1.2 billion lacked access to an improved water source and 2.7
billion lacked access to basic sanitation. Nearly 104 million children of
primary-school-going age were out of school. The gap between the richest strata
in the developed world and the developing countries widened rapidly. In 2001,
the wealth of 497 billionaires was greater than the combined incomes of the
poorest half of humanity. The GDP of the poorest 48 nations (i.e. a quarter of
all nation-states) is less than the wealth of the world’s three richest people
combined. The contradiction between imperialism and the developing countries has
of the imperialist offensive will not be complete without underlining the
intensifying resistance to it. US imperialism has the power to intervene
militarily and politically around the globe, but contrary to its expectations,
it is unable to achieve a smooth conclusion and consolidation. The centre-piece
of the current resistance to the imperialist offensive is the struggle against
the US occupation of Iraq. In the last twenty-one months, the popular resistance
has grown in intensity and scope. It has succeeded in upsetting the US plan to
plant a pliant regime in Iraq which is the first step towards
‘democratising’ West Asia. Contrary to the US blueprint, holding elections
to the national assembly has not led to any let up in the resistance. The new
regime itself is under pressure to demand an end to US occupation. The US plan
to plant a pliant regime as a first step towards ‘democratising’ West Asia
is being challenged by the forces of resistance.
important centre of resistance is the Palestinian movement for independence and
statehood. During the past three years, the US backed Israel in its military
attacks in the occupied territories, subverting the peace accord and in its
efforts to sideline Yasser Arafat. The Israelis committed heinous crimes through
continuous military attacks and by building a security wall across the West
Bank, an act declared illegal by the World Court. Despite the connivance of the
client Arab rulers with the US, the Palestinian struggle has gone on. The death
of Yasser Arafat will not weaken the resolve of the Palestinian people.
struggles in Latin America against imperialist globalisation, the unequal
agreements like the Free Trade Area of Americas, enforced by the US, the
imposition of neo-liberal reforms and attacks on national sovereignty form an
important part of the world-wide resistance. Important struggles against
privatization of electricity, water and natural resources took place in Bolivia,
Peru, Colombia and of the landless people in Brazil. The defeat of every attempt
by the US-backed opposition forces to topple President Chavez in Venezuela is an
important landmark. Venezuela under the progressive leadership of Chavez is
taking steps to break up the power of the oligarchy, undertake land reforms and
provide health, education, food and housing for the poor. The election of Lula
as President in Brazil on a left platform and the election of a leftwing
candidate in Uruguay for the first time reflects the political impact of these
class struggles against the attacks on jobs, social security and livelihood are
taking place in all the major capitalist countries. The trade union movement and
the working class resistance constitutes the core of the movement against
mobilizations against imperialist globalisation which began in Seattle in 1999
during the WTO meet, became a regular feature subsequently when meetings of the
Fund-Bank or G-8 took place. With the threat of war looming on Iraq, this
movement became an anti-war movement. Millions of people joined the anti-war
protests of 2002–03 with unprecedented mobilization being seen on February 15,
2003 in major cities around the world. The World Social Forum and the regional
forums became broad platforms for bringing together the anti-globalisation and
In the WTO
arena, the advanced capitalist countries sought to impose onerous conditions in
the Doha round of negotiations. The fight against such imposition met with some
success when China, India, Brazil and South Africa decided to coordinate their
stand and were joined by other countries, making the group of 21 during the
Cancun summit. Faced with this setback, the rich countries sought to regain
ground through the recent Framework Agreement arrived at in Geneva.
rapid economic growth and all-round progress has led to its emergence as a major
power in the international arena. China has been registering over 9 per cent GDP
growth annually in the last decade, making it the fastest growing economy in the
world. The Chinese government and the Communist Party are engaged in tackling
the problems of unemployment, regional disparities and the rise of corruption
which are a product of China’s rapid growth and engagement with the global
capitalist system. Vietnam has maintained steady progress after adopting
measures to reform the economy and its management. Vietnam achieved 8 per cent
annual GDP growth from 1990 to 1997 and around 7 per cent from 2000 to 2003
making it the world’s second fastest growing economy.
withstood a new spate of hostile measures and sanctions by the Bush
administration. It has steadfastly adhered to the socialist system and has not
allowed the sanctions and blockade to erode its public health and educational
system. The DPRK has refused to be intimidated on the nuclear issue by the US
blackmailing tactics. It is pursuing the line of engaging South Korea for
normalization of relations and creating the atmosphere for progress towards
reunification. The socialist countries have to continue to work in an
international situation which is hostile to the existence of the socialist
system. They have to strengthen their economic base and raise the living
standards of the people while safeguarding the socialist system and its
It is in
this international setting that we have to see the developments in South Asia
and India’s neighbourhood.
has spread its tentacles further in the countries of South Asia. The United
States has strengthened its grip and influence over Pakistan after getting the
Musharraf regime to cooperate with the war on Afghanistan and to eliminate the
Al Qaeda. In Nepal, the United States supplied military equipment to the King to
fight the Maoist insurgency. The King has utilized the situation to suppress
democracy, impose emergency, and arrest leaders and activists of political
parties. In Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, the United States has signed military and
security collaboration agreements and is regularly conducting joint exercises.
Pakistan and Bangladesh, the forces of Islamic fundamentalism have grown in
strength. The growing US influence and the Islamic fundamentalist activity in
Bangladesh have repercussions in the region. The fundamentalist forces are
launching murderous attacks on secular and democratic personalities. In Sri
Lanka, the halt to hostilities and ceasefire between the Sri Lankan armed forces
and the Tamil tigers have not yet yielded any substantial progress in peace
talks. In Myanmar, the military regime continues to suppress the democratic
rights of the people. In all these countries, the conditions of the working
people have deteriorated under the impact of imperialist globalisation and the
anti-democratic measures taken to suppress the struggles of the working people.
and divisive trends have been on the rise in the region. The struggle for
democracy and the rights of minorities is an important issue in many of these
countries. The Party supports the Left and democratic forces of Nepal who are
struggling to restore democracy there. It is necessary to strengthen regional
cooperation in South Asia through the SAARC forum and to promote bilateral
trade, economic ties, as well as encourage people-to-people contacts between
India and its neighbours. The CPI(M) stands for increased cooperation between
the anti-imperialist and Left democratic forces in South Asia.
poses the greatest threat to humanity. US imperialism is the spearhead of the
reactionary offensive. Predatory finance capital and neo-liberal reforms have
intensified the exploitation and poverty of billions of people. Imperialist war
and aggression are a threat to the national sovereignty of countries.
Imperialist oppression and violence spawns terrorism promoted by fundamentalist
and sectarian ideologies. With the dismantling of socialism in some countries
and the entry of imperialist finance capital, ethnic and sectarian conflicts are
the results. Terrorism motivated by religious fundamentalism which wreaks havoc
on innocent people has to be firmly combated. But the elimination of all forms
of terrorism requires an end to imperialist aggression and violence, state
terrorism and the rapacious exploitation and abject poverty perpetuated by an
unjust and hegemonic world order.
against US imperialism cannot be conducted by a fundamentalist jehad,
or by relying upon sectarian ideologies. Imperialism can be fought only by a
progressive mobilisation of all the Left, secular and anti-imperialist
nationalist forces. The CPI(M) will support all the currents of resistance
against imperialism – the struggles for national liberation, the fight against
neo-liberal economic policies and for the defence of national sovereignty,
opposition to imperialist aggression and for the defence of the interests of the
developing countries against imperialist capital.
will actively support and establish relations of solidarity with the national
liberation movements. It will support the socialist countries and espouse close
relations with them. It will cooperate with all the platforms set up to fight
against imperialist globalisation and will actively participate in the anti-war
movements. The anti-globalisation and the anti-war movements should converge
into a broad and powerful anti-imperialist movement.
will continue to strengthen relations with the communist and progressive forces
in different countries so that experiences are shared and a common outlook
develops. The CPI(M) is committed to building up the worldwide struggle against
US imperialism. Mobilizing the Indian people, who number 1.02 billion, against
imperialist hegemonism and in defence of national sovereignty will be an
important contribution to this global movement.
significant political development at the national level since the 17th
Congress has been the clear defeat of the BJP-led NDA government in the Lok
Sabha elections of May 2004. The people of India overthrew the RSS-controlled
regime on account of its anti-people and pro-imperialist economic policies, its
communal and divisive platform, its massive corruption scandals and its attacks
on democratic rights. The simultaneous elections to the Andhra Pradesh assembly
saw the even more decisive defeat of the TDP government, which had all along
acted as the foremost agent of the World Bank. Three months later, the BJP-Shiv
Sena communal combine was humbled in the Maharashtra assembly elections.
Sabha elections resulted in the formation of the Congress-led UPA government at
the Centre, which is dependent for its majority on the outside support of the
Left parties. The CPI(M) and the Left increased their representation in
Parliament to the highest figure so far. All these are welcome developments,
which testify to the correctness of the political line adopted by the 17th
Congress and of the electoral tactics employed in consonance with that line.
government ruled uninterruptedly for six years from March 1998 to April 2004.
The danger posed by the RSS-guided BJP controlling the levers of power was
evident during this period. The 17th Congress Political Resolution
termed it as “the most reactionary government in independent India.” The
policies of the BJP-led government in the economic, political, social and
foreign policy spheres in these six years confirm this assessment. After the 17th
Congress of the Party, the last two years of BJP rule witnessed the horrific
fallout of the Gujarat pogrom. The Modi government, with the patronage of the
Vajpayee government, actively worked to cover up all the crimes and refused to
punish the guilty by subverting the police and prosecution machinery. After the
victory of the BJP in the assembly elections the state continues to treat
Muslims as second class citizens. The Christian community is also targeted and
continues to live in insecurity.
Vajpayee government sought to undermine the judicial process on the Ayodhya
dispute and sought to push the VHP agenda for handing over the disputed site to
the Hindu communal outfits by utilizing intermediaries to persuade the Muslims
to give up their claim. The Vajpayee government continued the work of
communalization of the educational system by introducing anti-secular ideologies
in the curriculum and text books. History books were rewritten on communal
lines. Artists, writers and cultural institutions who refused to accept the
sectarian communal outlook were subjected to intimidation and assaults. RSS
personnel were given key appointments in different institutions and promoted at
different levels of government.
BJP rule, neo-liberal economic policies were pushed with greater vigour. It was
claimed, falsely, that these policies result in higher growth. Actually, the
decade of the nineties had a lower rate of growth in agriculture and industries
than in the eighties. The growth rate in the three years 2000–01 to 2003–04
was lower than the decade of the nineties. Whatever output growth that took
place was not accompanied by any significant growth in employment. The annual
rate of growth of rural employment was 0.58 per cent between 1993–94 and
1999–2000 compared to the rural population growth rate of 1.5 per cent. The
unemployment situation in rural India has worsened drastically while urban
employment growth has come down markedly.
India, worsening unemployment has been caused by the decline in agricultural
growth rates and in particular foodgrains. Foodgrain production has in fact
fallen below the rate of population growth during the nineties leading to an
absolute decline in per capita food output. The average number of days of work
for agricultural workers has sharply declined in most parts of the country.
Rural development expenditure which was 14 per cent of GDP during the 8th
plan period stands at only around 5 per cent currently. This drastic cutback is
the most immediate cause for the acute distress among the rural poor.
distress is not confined to the rural poor alone. Large sections of the
peasantry, caught in a pincer between higher input prices and lower output
prices, are faced with acute crisis. The withdrawal of subsidies on a host of
inputs, the rising costs of electricity, irrigation, seeds and the decline in
priority sector lending by banks have forced peasants to go to moneylenders to
borrow at exorbitant interest rates which has resulted in increased costs of
operations by the government that provided some succour to the peasantry have
got progressively whittled down; extension services by the government that were
so important a feature of Indian agriculture have been virtually withdrawn from
large parts of the country leaving the peasantry to the mercy of MNCs and
spurious seed distributors; and lack of investment by the government has run
down the infrastructure that sustained agricultural growth.
Steps to dilute
land reform laws were taken in a number of states either by raising the ceiling
levels or handing over surplus land to private parties. After acquiring
agricultural land in the name of road construction, substantial portions are
handed over to corporates including multinational companies. Such steps would
make farming by large owners and corporate houses a certainty. Such policies
would reduce the extent of land for redistribution, accelerate the loss of land
by poor peasants, and worsen inequalities in the rural areas.
The volume of rural credit declined and the distribution of credit
shifted further in favour of large landholders. Village level data show that the
exploitation of the poor in the informal credit market – that is, by
moneylenders – intensified as a result of financial liberalisation.
The new trade regime (and in particular, the removal of quantitative
restrictions on the import of agricultural products) and the emphasis on
export-oriented production intensified the struggle of the poor and middle
peasantry for their very survival while also leading to a decline in food
production. This problem is particularly intense in the present context of a
sharp fall in the prices of primary commodities internationally. The new trade
regime also has very serious implications for land use, cropping patterns and
the future of self-sufficiency in food.
The new trade and patent regime as well as the seed bill leaves the field
of agricultural research at the mercy of multinational corporations, thus
weakening public sector national agricultural research systems as well as
open-access to international research institutions. Further, this regime
infringes on the rights of farmers and indigenous plant breeders and threatens
to lead, as has been written, “from biodiversity to genetic slavery.”
Continuing failure to deal with problems of water management, and to cope
with problems of drought and floods has increased the suffering of the
peasantry. The agenda of privatizing water resources is being pushed through
which will drive the small peasantry who can’t afford the rates, off their
lands. In addition, the failure to resolve inter-state water disputes has
aggravated the water scarcity in some states.
is experiencing the worst agrarian crisis since independence. The entire
agricultural sector is in disarray, and thousands of peasants have committed
suicide. This crisis is the direct result of neo-liberal economic policies:
these policies dictate the withdrawal of the State from all supportive roles
other than the support of international finance capital; and agriculture cannot
survive the withdrawal of the support system of the State.
Impact on Industry
agrarian economy has been the most visible victim of the neo-liberal economic
policies, large sections of the urban petty producers and small capitalists have
also been hit by the policies of “trade liberalization” enforced under the
WTO, and by higher input costs (including for credit and electricity). This has
had a direct bearing on urban unemployment. The BJP-led government accelerated
its onslaught on the public sector in its last years in power. After privatising
VSNL, Balco, Maruti and IPCL, the government was poised to go ahead with the
privatisation of the HPCL and BPCL oil companies before it was ousted from
power. Practically every sphere was opened up for privatisation and entry of
foreign capital. Defence production was opened up for 100 per cent private
enterprise with 26 per cent FDI. Even in the print media, 26 per cent FDI was
policies of the BJP-led government reflected in its successive budgets, led to
India having one of the lowest tax-GDP ratios in the world. Tens of thousands of
crores were gifted as concessions to big business and the rich while indirect
taxes were heaped on the common people. Public expenditure in the social sector
and agriculture was cut to contain the fiscal deficit. The Fiscal Responsibility
and Budget Management Act signifies the surrender to IMF dictates on fiscal
management. Liberalisation under BJP rule meant a bonanza for the rich and
growing deprivation and unemployment for the common people.
Government on Same Path
government is pursuing the same policies of liberalisation and privatisation.
Notwithstanding certain policy announcements in the Common Minimum Programme,
the government is unwilling to change course and, in essence, pursues the same
policies as that of the Vajpayee government. Some instances of this are: the UPA
government wants to further liberalise the financial sector by facilitating the
takeover of Indian private banks by foreign banks by implementing a proposal to
allow 74 per cent FDI in Indian private banks announced by the previous
government. It is pushing for merger of PSU banks as a step towards
privatisation. It has hiked the FDI cap in telecom to 74 per cent. It seeks to
permit FDI in the retail sector. It desires to privatise the insurance sector
further. It is going ahead with the privatisation of the Delhi and Mumbai
airports, a step initiated by the BJP-led government. It proposed the raising of
the FDI caps in telecom and insurance in the Union budget of 2004–05 which has
been halted due to opposition of the Left. It seeks to circumvent the commitment
not to privatise profitable PSUs by gradually disinvesting shares in these units
to meet its budgetary deficit.
government has shown itself eager to fashion policies favourable to big business
and international finance capital while being tardy or negligent in protecting
the interests of the working class and the working people. For instance, it
first cut the EPF rate of interest to 8.5 per cent and it was only the Left
opposition that forced a hike of one per cent to 9.5 per cent. It is pushing
forward with the plan to privatise the pension fund of government employees.
Contrary to the CMP commitment, the government is trying to push through the
implementation of the Electricity Act, 2003, without any review. It has
abolished Press Note 18 which provided some protection for Indian companies
which enter into joint ventures with foreign companies. It’s fiscal policies
seek to curtail expenditure by cutting down subsidies necessary for the common
people, while proposing tax concessions to the corporate sector and the rich. It
has resorted to successive increases in the prices of petroleum products which
are leading to price rise of essential commodities, while being reluctant to
revise the excise and import duty structure which gives undue benefits to the
oil companies. The government seeks to fulfil the CMP commitment to adopt an
Employment Guarantee Act but has prepared a bill which dilutes the provision of
providing minimum 100 days work for one adult in every rural household on
minimum wages. It was only the intervention of the Left that ensured important
amendments to the disastrous Patent Bill moved by the UPA government based on
the original NDA bill.
Of The People
most visible symptom of the agrarian rural distress among the rural poor is the
drastic curtailment of their per capita food availability and consequently its
intake. Per capita foodgrain availability which stood at 180 kgs at the end of
the 1980s has seen a drastic decline to an average of 155 kgs in the three years
2000–01 to 2002–03. This is the result of the “reforms” under BJP rule.
In fact the per capita foodgrain availability in the country as a whole is now
down to the level of what it was on the eve of the Second World War.
The number of farmers’ suicides has reached levels unheard of since
independence. Such suicides have taken place in major parts of the country, with
Andhra Pradesh topping the number of peasants ending their lives in desperation.
More than 7,000 farmers committed suicide in the state in the space of three
years. Thousands of farmers died in a similar way in other states, including
Kerala. The big increase in migrating families looking for work is a measure of
acute rural distress.
The “targeted” public distribution system actually led to the
dismantling of the existing public distribution system which itself was
inadequate. Under the BPL scheme, a large number of poor people have been
deprived of rations. This dismantling of the public distribution system has hit
the poor the hardest, with the worst affected being the tribal areas where
hunger and starvation deaths have become a regular feature.
Lakhs of families working in traditional industries whether they are in
handloom, beedi, coir, cashew, fishing, or artisans have been rendered jobless
and are forced to live in hunger and deprivation. Small scale and tiny sector
units have closed by the thousands and the plight of the unorganized workers
The urban industrial workers have experienced not only growing
unemployment but also a substantial increase in lockouts, cuts in the social
wage, increase of insecurity and a reduction in their bargaining strength
through attacks on trade unions and through attempts to deny them the right to
strike. Labour laws, which offer limited protection are being undermined.
Contract and casual work is being introduced on a large scale to deprive workers
of legal benefits. Pension funds are sought to be privatised. Minimum wages and
other protections are denied to workers in the unorganised sectors. The plight
of the workers in tea gardens and coffee plantations has worsened with thousands
rendered jobless and their families starving. The urban poor living in terrible
conditions are becoming homeless due to slums being demolished in the name of
Children up to 18 years constitute 44 per cent of the population. The
record with regard to children’s welfare is shocking. 47 per cent of children
below three years are malnourished. 40.7 per cent of children enrolled at the
primary school stage drop out. Child labour is rampant with children undertaking
arduous and hazardous work with no rights or protection whatsoever.
Unemployment has become the single largest problem for the people. This
is a result of the liberalisation and privatisation policies pursued over the
years. Rural unemployment, unemployment for the youth, educated unemployment and
unemployment for women have blighted the lives of millions of families. The rate
of growth of employment under BJP rule was a dismal 1.13 per cent. Existing jobs
in the public sector and organised sector are being done away with.
The fiscal crisis of the Centre, which is precipitated by the neo-liberal
reforms through its various tax measures is sought to be passed on to the state
governments. The Centre compounds the problem by charging exorbitant rates of
interest on loans given by it including those given from small savings and loans
raised within the states themselves. When the state governments are reduced to a
mendicant status, the Centre then thrusts upon them neo-liberal policies. During
the nineties, the tax revenue raised by the state governments together as
proportion of GDP did not decline while the tax revenue raised by the Centre
did, and yet at the end of the decade it was the states which faced the fiscal
Accentuation of uneven development has led to the growth of inter-state
and intra-state disparities. This is giving a fillip to the demands for separate
states based on the argument of backwardness, such as Telengana and Vidharbha.
The Party will fight for the development of backward regions while adhering to
the principled position of opposition to the division of linguistic states.
Another aspect of growing concern is the inter-state problem with regard to the
sharing of river waters and water resources. Such conflicts are growing given
the increasing demand for water in agriculture and the unscientific use of water
of National Unity
situation in the North-East is characterised by the continuing activities of the
armed separatist groups and ethnic conflicts. The situation is complicated by
the fact that the neighbouring country of Bangladesh has become a sanctuary for
most of these extremist groups and imperialism is very much active in aiding
them. Of particular concern is the role of the ISI of Pakistan which is
well-known for its links to the US intelligence agencies. The ULFA leadership is
based in Bangladesh and most of the ULFA cadres who fled Bhutan after the army
operation are sheltering there. The two major extremist groups of Tripura, the
NLFT and the ATTF and the separatist groups in Manipur have their camps across
the border. The heightened intervention of foreign agencies poses a serious
threat to national unity.
of separatism and extremist activities are also the result of the wrong policies
adopted by the Centre towards the North-East over the decades. The lack of
special attention to develop the region which has unique characteristics, the
reliance on a nexus of corrupt politicians and bureaucrats to implement
developmental work, and the insensitivity to the cultural and nationality
sentiments of the different communities has created the space for separatism and
foreign intervention. Excesses committed by the security forces have alienated
and angered the people. In Manipur, a popular upsurge took place after the
brutal killing of a woman by the para-military forces. The political process of
providing regional autonomy to substantial tribal communities and a genuinely
democratic set-up needs to be taken forward seriously. Steps have to be taken to
protect the identity of the various peoples by stopping illegal migration from
across the border. The North-Eastern region requires priority in building
infrastructure, communications and generating employment for the educated youth.
The serious problem of recurrent floods and river bank erosion in Assam is a
national problem which requires urgent attention.
elections in late 2002 saw the formation of the PDP-Congress coalition
government headed by Mufti Mohd. Sayeed. The National Conference was defeated,
being discredited by its joining the BJP alliance at the Centre and its corrupt
misrule. Elections were held in a relatively free manner compared to the past.
But the BJP-led government did not utilise this situation to advance the
political dialogue. Its resolute opposition to autonomy and the RSS backing the
idea of a trifurcation spoilt the chances of a dialogue. The extremists sought
to disrupt the peace by repeated attacks. After the UPA government assumed
office, there has been no notable initiative to revive talks, along with the
Indo-Pakistan dialogue. The excesses against ordinary people by the security
forces heightens the alienation of the people suffering from the abnormal
conditions. Such excesses should be curbed firmly.
strongly advocates the provision of maximum autonomy for the state of Jammu and
Kashmir. Without assuring the Kashmiri people that their identity and culture
will be fully recognised and their aspirations met in a democratic set-up within
the Indian Union, the feeling of alienation cannot be removed nor the
separatists countered. An autonomous set up should be created, with the regions
of Jammu & Ladakh being given regional autonomy within this framework.
Meanwhile, efforts to restore people-to-people relations between the two parts
divided by the LoC must be encouraged. The steps taken by the Indo-Pakistan
dialogue of a ceasefire on the LoC and reduction of military forces should be
accompanied by suitable political measures. The J&K state needs serious
efforts by the centre to reconstruct its shattered economy especially in the
sphere of employment generation.
government had steered foreign policy on to a pro-American path. It proclaimed
that Indo-US relations were the history of “fifty wasted years” implying
that non-alignment was a mistake. It sought to subordinate India to the global
strategic interests of the US, provided India was given de facto recognition as
a nuclear power and a preeminent status in South Asia. The only result of this
was to place India at the same level as Pakistan as one of the two allies of the
U.S. The Bush administration belied the BJP’s hopes by relying on Pakistan in
its war on terror and giving it the status of a major non-NATO ally. The
Vajpayee government also cultivated strategic ties with Israel and went to the
extent of advocating an India-US-Israel axis.
government has to adhere to an independent foreign policy as declared in the
Common Minimum Programme. To achieve this, the Manmohan Singh government must
make sure that issues such as the joint missile defence programme with the US
are not pursued as they are not in the country’s interests. Nor should India
make any commitment to join the US proliferation security initiative or accept
continuance of US military forces in Iraq. To promote multipolarity in
international relations, India should have close ties with Russia, China, Europe
and Japan. Special emphasis has to be placed on ties with major developing
countries in Asia, Africa and South America. India’s ties with its South Asian
neighbours have to be strengthened. It is essential to review and end the
strategic military and security cooperation with Israel, which is one of the
most lawless states in the world and which continues to defend its occupation of
Palestinian and Arab lands. The CPI(M) will endeavour to see that the harmful
legacy of the Vajpayee government’s foreign policy is removed.
The one and
a half decades of liberalisation have worsened the conditions of women in terms
of access to employment and being marginalized in the market. The closure of
factories and the decline of traditional industries have led to women losing
jobs on a large scale. The female work participation rate in urban India is
extremely low, between 13 and 15 per cent. Women in the organized sector
constitute only 18 per cent. 93 per cent of women workers in manufacture are in
the unorganized sector where there is no protective legislation. Patriarchal
values and traditional prejudices coupled with market values have reinforced
gender discrimination which is revealed in the most glaring form in the
declining sex ratio. The 2001 census has shown that in the juvenile age group
there is a considerable decline with the sex ratio being 927:1000.
Discrimination and prejudice against women is reflected in the elimination of
the girl child.
of market and consumerist values depict women as being sex objects while
traditional feudal attitudes are responsible for vicious violence against women
as witnessed in honour killings which are taking place in states like Haryana
and Uttar Pradesh. The atrocities against women whether they are through dowry
murders, sexual assault or domestic violence are on the increase with the legal
machinery unable to promptly punish the perpetrators. The CPI(M) will continue
to fight against all forms of discrimination and violence against women. It
calls for new legislation against domestic violence, sexual assault and child
sexual abuse. Women must be entitled to equal property rights including in
ancestral property and the long delayed one-third reservation for women in
parliament and state legislatures must be passed into law.
Oppression and Dalits
system contains both social oppression and class exploitation. The dalits suffer
from both types of exploitation in the worst form. 86.25 per cent of the
scheduled caste households are landless and 49 per cent of the scheduled castes
in the rural areas are agricultural workers. Communists who champion abolition
of the caste system, eradication of untouchability and caste oppression have to
be in the forefront in launching struggles against the denial of basic human
rights. This struggle has to be combined with the struggle to end the landlord
dominated order which consigns the dalit rural masses to bondage. The issues of
land, wages and employment must be taken up to unite different sections of the
working people and the non-dalit rural poor must be made conscious of the evils
of caste oppression and discrimination by a powerful democratic campaign. There
are some dalit organisations and NGOs who seek to foster anti-Communist feelings
among the dalit masses and to detach them from the Left movement. Such sectarian
and, in certain cases, foreign-funded activities must be countered and exposed
by positively putting forth the Party’s stand on caste oppression and making
special efforts to draw the dalit masses into common struggles.
intensification of the caste appeal and fragmentation of the working people on
caste lines is a serious challenge to the Left and democratic movement. Taking
up caste oppression, forging the common movement of the oppressed of all castes
and taking up class issues of common concern must be combined with a bold
campaign to highlight the pernicious effects of caste-based politics. The Party
should work out concrete tactics in different areas taking into account the
caste and class configurations. Electoral exigencies should not come in the way
of the Party’s independent campaign against caste-based politics. Reservation
is no panacea for the problems of caste and class exploitation. But they provide
some limited and necessary relief within the existing order. Reservation should
be extended to dalit Christians. In the context of the privatisation drive and
the shrinkage of jobs in the government and public sector, reservation in the
private sector for scheduled castes and tribes should be worked out after wide
crore (84.3 million) tribal people are the worst victims of the new phase of
capitalist development under liberalisation. They are subjected to the predatory
exploitation of not only moneylenders, traders and contractors but also big
business and multinational companies who are being given access to the mineral
wealth in tribal areas. Recent years have seen a sharp cutback in the public
distribution system and welfare schemes which have driven tribals to starvation
and hunger deaths. The Forest Act and the bureaucracy deny them access to the
forest and evict them from their traditional habitats. BJP rule saw the deep
penetration by RSS outfits in tribal areas with efforts to communalise the
adivasis and pit them against Christians and Muslims. The provision of regional
autonomy in tribal-majority areas is necessary to protect tribal interests in
land, culture and self-development.
formulated a tribal policy document in 2001. This should be the basis for work
in the tribal areas and for countering the disruptive forces which seek to
foster separatism or communal tendencies among the tribal people. The UPA
government has not scrapped the objectionable tribal policy document of the NDA,
nor the eviction orders of tribals from forests which were issued by the NDA
government. In the name of development, tribals are being displaced. No such
projects should be implemented without a comprehensive relief and rehabilitation
project acceptable to the project affected people. The Party will have to take
up these issues. The Party must take up the issues of land, access to forests,
wages and development of the tribal areas as well as development of languages
and cultures so that tribal people are ensured educational and employment
must identify with the aspirations and assertions of all the socially and
economically oppressed sections. The Party bases itself on the basic classes,
the working class, the semi-proletarian masses in the urban and rural areas, the
poor peasantry and agricultural workers, both men and women. In order to link
the Left with the other socially oppressed sections, the Party should champion:
has been opposing untouchability, caste discrimination, dowry, female foeticide,
female infanticide and minority baiting. Based on the experience of recent
campaigns against some of these evils, the Party should take the lead in taking
up social issues for campaigns and struggles.
CPI(M) is for championing the legitimate rights of the minorities against
discrimination and fighting off the attacks by majority communalism. At the same
time, the Party stands for democratic and progressive reforms within the
minorities. It opposes fundamentalism and minority communalism which seeks to
ghettoize and breed intolerance amongst the minorities. The Party is for special
measures to provide education and access to jobs for the Muslim minorities.
Attention has to be paid to the rights and needs of the working people and the
poorer sections amongst the minorities and to bring them into the common class
and mass movements.
The six years of BJP rule were notorious for the determined attempt to
revamp the educational system on communal lines with text books and writing of
history being the focus. Simultaneously, there was a stepped-up drive to
privatise and commercialise education to the detriment of students and the
people at large. The National Curriculum Framework and the Model Act for
universities were drawn up with these twin goals in mind. The BJP-led government
allowed private universities through the back door by providing for deemed
private universities by amending the UGC Act. More than 170 private deemed
universities were set up in the last two years. Moves were made to permit
foreign universities to set up shop. The Supreme Court judgement in the T.M.A.
Pai case promoted rampant commercialisation with private professional colleges
free to set up their own norms for admissions and fee structure.
government must bring forward a central legislation to enable state governments
to regulate admissions and fees in private unaided professional institutions.
While the UPA government announced a 2 per cent cess for education, it did not
take any steps to increase expenditure on higher education in the Union budget
of 2004–05. The promise to spend 6 per cent of the GDP on education in the CMP
needs to be pursued seriously. The provision of free and compulsory education up
to 14 years of age must be also implemented stringently. At the same time, the
flaws in the 86th amendment to the Constitution regarding compulsory
education till the elementary stage must be removed. The government has taken
some steps to detoxify education, set up the Central Advisory Board of Education
and withdraw flawed textbooks. However, much more needs to be done to undo the
damage caused by prolonged BJP-RSS interference in education.
economic reforms pursued since 1991 have further weakened the public health
infrastructure in the country. Public expenditure on healthcare is just 0.9 per
cent of GDP, one of the lowest in the world, and private expenditure is 84 per
cent of total health care costs, making the country’s health infrastructure
one of the most privatised in the world. The present government has promised in
its Common Minimum Programme that public expenditure on health will be increased
to 2 to 3 per cent of GDP over the next five years. However, the first budget of
the UPA government did not, in any manner, reflect this commitment. The
government is finalising a Rural Health Mission, but wider discussions are
necessary to ensure that the mission does not become a prescription for further
privatisation of the country’s health infrastructure.
ordinance brought in to amend India’s Patent Laws, in order to make it TRIPS
compliant, is deficient in terms of its ability to safeguard national interests
and will lead to an increase in prices of drugs. There are attempts to reverse
the national consensus arrived at in the National Population Policy, 2000,
regarding the eschewing of a target-oriented population control programme, which
is a matter of concern.
CPI(M) demands that public expenditure on healthcare be increased to 3 per cent
of GDP in the next five years and further to 5 per cent of GDP over a period of
time. These resources should be utilised to strengthen the primary health
infrastructure at all levels, so that comprehensive healthcare is made available
by the government to all sections of the people.
problems of deforestation, soil erosion, pollution of air and water resources
are all contributing to the degradation of the environment with resultant
adverse effects on the well-being of the people. Government policy on
environment often takes the wrong direction because it is not based on a
people-oriented development framework which integrates environmental concerns.
Instead of targetting the tribal and forest communities, the government has to
act against the contractors and their patrons who are primarily responsible for
the destruction of forest cover. Strict control must be exercised against
industrial units using hazardous technology which affects the health of workers
and the neighbourhood, rather than indiscriminately closing down factories in
cities throwing out lakhs of workers from their jobs. Vehicular pollution can be
checked by developing mass-transit and public transport systems and levying high
taxes on luxury cars. There is an urgent need to check soil and river erosion
which is damaging the lives of millions of people. The draft national policy on
environment of the UPA government does not meet the requirements of a
people-oriented, sustainable development based on environmental concerns.
Developing a secular and democratic culture, which assumes vital
importance at this juncture, requires an unremitting struggle to combat all
communal ideologies which seek to distort cultural values. The Hindutva
brigade’s attacks on cultural personalities and cultural productions serve as
a warning not to relax this struggle. The UPA government must ensure that all
the RSS personnel infiltrated into the cultural institutions are removed. The
other threat to a democratic and popular culture is the onslaught of values of
consumerism and commercialisation which are intrinsic to imperialist-driven
globalisation. The forms of cultural expression rooted in popular culture are
sought to be marginalised and coopted with the market-driven homogenous
consumerist values. The globalisation of violence, sex and rampant
individualism is having a pernicious impact on society, particularly the youth.
to be composite, representing the rich diversity of India. The efforts to
strait-jacket culture according to sectarian-communal values must be fought
back. The Party must struggle for a progressive and democratic culture which
incorporates the ethos of national sovereignty, solidarity with all oppressed
sections and an openness which accommodates dissenting views.
electronic media is a very powerful medium which influences popular perceptions
and tastes. The expansion of private satellite TV channels is the most
significant feature of the recent period. The privately-owned Indian and foreign
channels have became the most explicit conveyance of the liberalisation ethos
and its cultural values. The rightwing economic policies find their most
aggressive advocates in the big business dominated print and electronic media.
Side by side, the concept of a public broadcasting system and the development of
an autonomous Prasar Bharati was done away with by the BJP-led government. The
UPA government is inclined to adopt the same approach as its predecessor. It is
essential to have a strengthened Prasar Bharati that becomes a genuine public
broadcasting service. Cross-media ownership must be prohibited to prevent
monopolies. The UPA government should not further relax restrictions on foreign
entry in the print media and electronic media. Foreign ownership in print media
must be disallowed.
Attacks on Democratic Rights
government had promulgated POTA through a joint session of Parliament. As
apprehended, this draconian legislation was used one-sidedly against the
minorities in Gujarat and to suppress democracy and to put political opponents
behind bars in states like Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh. An assault on
democratic rights came through the higher judiciary following the Supreme Court
endorsing the high courts prohibition of bandhs and “forcible” hartals. A
number of high courts have come out restricting the holding of meetings and
processions which are inherent right of all citizens. The higher judiciary has
handed out judgements prohibiting activities of student organizations in
campuses. The judgement of the Constitution bench of the Supreme Court on
professional colleges adversely affected students’ access to higher education.
followed by the Supreme Court judgement denying the right to strike for
government employees. This glaring attack on the right to strike has been taken
up by high courts which have prohibited general strikes and even fined political
parties for holding demonstrations. The Supreme Court has given a series of
judgements which is against the interests of the working class. This heralds a
new phase of trying to legally restrict or suppress the basic democratic rights
of the people which is in tune with the ethos of the neo-liberal reforms and the
demand of big business and foreign finance capital that the right to organise
and protest be curbed.
cannot accept any such restrictions or curbs on the basic right to strike and to
organise collective protests. A powerful movement for these basic democratic
rights has to be organised to counter this judicial and administrative
the judicial system including the setting up of a National Judicial Commission
are necessary to provide speedy relief to the people at an affordable cost.
Corruption in the higher judiciary is a matter of concern and can no longer be
ignored. There is also the trend of judicial encroachment of the powers of the
executive, often due to the failure of the executive to discharge its
responsibilities. There should be a proper balance in the relations between the
legislature, judiciary and the executive and the exercise of powers in their
respective spheres without encroaching into the legitimate domain of other
naxalite groups which rely on armed squads are active in certain pockets of
Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Orissa and Bihar. They have a
disruptive stance which targets all the bourgeois parties and the Left parties
without any distinction while covering up their ideological bankruptcy with
revolutionary phraseology. Their activities include suppression of democratic
rights of people and extortion and appropriation of funds meant for rural
development. Their anarchic-terrorist violence provides the State the excuse to
act against all democratic movements and for the police to step up their
repression of the people. The recent merger of the PWG and the MCC to form the
CPI (Maoist) can lead to stepped-up attacks in the states they are operating in
and in the periphery like West Bengal. The CPI(M) will continue to conduct a
political and ideological campaign against these forces to expose their
disruptive and harmful activities.
those naxalite groups which have taken to mass political work and abandoned the
adventurist armed struggle tactics, such as the CPI(ML) Liberation, the Party is
prepared to work with them in united platforms in the fight against communalism,
imperialism and on working class issues. However, unless they change their
negative approach to the Left Front in West Bengal and their anti-CPI(M) stance,
there is no scope for a Left platform with them.
class put up determined resistance to the BJP-led government’s offensive to
dismantle the public sector and expand the sphere of privatization to new areas.
The Nalco struggle in Orissa became a mass popular movement with major political
parties supporting the Orissa bandh. This protracted struggle prevented the
privatization of the profit-making enterprise. The period of the last three
years saw a series of strike struggles by the coal mine workers against the
threat of privatization, the strikes by state government employees in Kerala and
Tamil Nadu against cuts in their benefits and the three day strike by employees
of the oil companies against the privatization of HPCL and BPCL.
strikes, the first by public sector workers on 16 April, 2002 in defence of the
public sector, and the second on 21 May, 2003 against the economic policies of
the government, saw millions of workers and employees joining the strike.
Consequent to the Supreme Court judgement denying the right to strike to
government employees, a big campaign was launched in defence of the right to
strike including the collection of 40 million signatures by state government
employees. The general strike of February 24, 2004 in defence of the right to
strike and against the economic policies saw millions of workers and employees
participating in the protest action. Workers of traditional industries like
cashew, coir and beedi have also conducted prolonged struggles in defence of
against the WTO terms, against privatization of water, electricity and struggles
for maintaining the public distribution system have taken place in various parts
of the country. There have been struggles to protect the rights of tribal people
for land and access to forests. Land struggles have taken place in Andhra
Pradesh, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Assam, Jharkhand, UP, Kerala and Bihar. A
prolonged and united struggle was waged by the peasants in Rajasthan in the
Ganganagar and Bikaner districts for adequate supply of water through the
Rajasthan canal. This struggle, which stretched over three months, saw six
people being killed by the police and hundreds being jailed, some under NSA. The
Party and the Kisan Sabha played a leading role in conducting this movement. The
Rajasthan struggle shows how by picking up concrete issues and launching
sustained struggles the movement can develop.
saw a number of struggles by students against high tuition fees and arbitrary
admission norms of the professional colleges consequent to the Supreme Court
judgement. In Kerala, a bitter struggle was conducted by the students facing
severe police repression and struggle on the same issues took place in Andhra
Pradesh, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Punjab and Karnataka. The women’s movement
have conducted a number of struggles for food, employment and against sexual and
physical violence against women. Intellectuals and artists mobilized against the
communalization of culture and education.
struggles contributed to creating the atmosphere which led to the isolation of
the BJP led government and the defeat of the BJP in the Lok Sabha elections. For
increasing the Party’s influence and for further advance it is necessary to
take up the concrete issues for sustained struggles and link up these struggles
to the struggle for alternative policies.
government advanced the elections to the 14th Lok Sabha by six
months. After the BJP’s victory in the Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and
Chhattisgarh elections, the BJP leadership felt that the situation was in their
favour and decided to hold early elections. They completely misread and
underestimated the mood of the people. In the background of the growing
discontent and widespread protests and struggles of the people, the BJP-led
alliance was ousted from power. The Party formulated an electoral tactical line
which called for the defeat of the BJP and its allies, the formation of an
alternative secular government at the Centre and for strengthening the
representation of the Party and the Left in parliament. The results of the Lok
Sabha elections showed that all the three goals set out by the Party were
The Party’s central task as set out in the 17th Congress was
to isolate and defeat the BJP so that the BJP-led government could be dislodged
from the Centre. The Party and left forces played an important role in
mobilizing the people against the BJP-led government’s policies. It is the
continuous campaign and struggle against the communal platform of the
BJP, its pro-imperialist and anti-people economic policies, its unprecedented
corruption scandals and its attacks on democratic rights that helped to create
the environment for isolating the BJP and its alliance. The struggles of the
working class and other sections of the working people waged by the trade unions
and mass organizations also contributed to this effort.
the BJP alliance could be defeated only by the cooperation of the Left with
other secular and democratic forces. It resulted in the formation of the
Congress-led UPA government which required the support of the Left to get a
majority in the Lok Sabha.
to UPA Government
decided to extend support to the Congress-led alliance, the UPA, to form a
government to ensure that there is a secular government at the Centre. After the
popular verdict rejecting the BJP alliance, it was necessary to see that the BJP
did not get any chance to make a comeback. Given the class character of the
Congress and its commitment to pursue economic policies of liberalization, the
Party was not for joining a government in which the coalition would be dominated
by forces committed to these policies. The Central Committee therefore was
prepared to support the Congress-led government so that the required numbers for
a majority are ensured.
and the Left parties broadly endorsed the Common Minimum Programme which was
adopted by the UPA for its government. The CMP contains certain measures which,
if implemented, can help protect the secular fabric, provide relief to the
people in areas like agriculture and employment generation, and meet some needs
in education and health. The CMP also provides correctives to the blatantly
pro-American foreign policy of the previous government. The popular verdict in
the elections and people’s aspirations for a better deal have had some impact,
which reflects in some of the pro-people measures and the promise not to
privatize profit-making public sector units. At the same time, the CPI(M) and
the Left parties expressed their differences in certain areas of the CMP. They
pertain to the advocacy of privatisation in various sectors, the refusal to go
in for a universal public distribution system as against the targeted system and
fiscal policies which affect the common people. The Party will support any step
taken by the UPA government to implement the pro-people measures in the CMP.
However, it must be underlined that the CMP does not change the basic thrust of
the policies of liberalization.
government is moving on the understanding that the core issues of economic
policies, liberalisation and privatisation should be left to the government to
pursue. The Left is expected to raise its concerns about the impact of such
policies on employment, food supply, education and health with a view in getting
some minor concessions or relief for the people. Our Party cannot accept such an
approach. The basic content of economic policies, the nature of investment,
mobilisation and allocation of resources and fiscal policies are very much the
Left’s concerns as they have a direct impact on the work and living conditions
of the people.
present situation the Party has to play an independent role. That role implies
criticizing and opposing such steps of the government which are against the
people’s interests, or are a departure from the CMP and which are a
continuation of the same type of policies as the previous government’s. The
people should be able to understand that the Party and the Left are not
supporting the government for continuing with the same discredited policies of
the previous communal and right wing government.
independent role entails that the Party and the Left conduct political campaigns
to project the independent positions of the Left and popular mobilisations and
struggles to defend the rights and livelihood of the people. The mass
organisations have to play an active role in forging the widest movements both
for pressurising the government to implement pro-people measures included in the
CMP and to fight against the ill-effects of the continuing policies of
liberalisation and the effects of imperialist-driven globalisation.
The independent role of the Party does not mean confining to, or dealing
only with the CMP and government related issues. It means taking up the demands
of the Left and democratic programme set out by the Party. The issues of land,
wages, democratic rights of the working people have to be taken up and struggles
conducted. The issues of the basic classes have to be championed and fought for.
Not taking up such issues would mean undermining the independent role of the
Party and weakening the struggle of the Left and democratic forces.
of the Current Situation
current situation is marked by the following features:
BJP was dislodged from the Centre in the last Lok Sabha elections. While this
was a significant victory for the Left, democratic and secular forces, it must
be noted that the BJP-RSS combine still commands substantial support. Apart from
its 137 members in the Lok Sabha, the BJP has five state governments in
Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat and Jharkhand. It also has
allies in the NDA like the Akali Dal, BJD, Trinamul Congress, JD(U), and the
support of the TDP. In Orissa, it is in a coalition government with the BJD. In
the BJP-ruled states, the RSS directed communalization of institutions and
education continues. Attacks and intimidation of minorities and dalits are a
regular feature. This is combined with reactionary economic policies which gift
away precious assets to big capitalists and foreign capital.
The rise of
the communal forces in the past one and a half decades and their six-year period
in office has enabled the communal ideology and organizations to strike roots in
different sections of society. It will be a mistake to underestimate their
latent strength. Though the electoral setbacks in the Parliament and Maharashtra
assembly elections have put them on the defensive and their tactics to make a
revival on the Hindutva platform have not yielded popular support, the potential
for their comeback exists. In the recent assembly election in Jharkhand, the BJP
was able to utilize the disunity among the UPA partners to emerge as the largest
single combination in the assembly and form the government. In Bihar, the
BJP-JD(U) increased its strength, though they fell far short of a majority.
bourgeois-landlord combination headed by the Congress which is secular in
character is at present in Government. The UPA has been able to benefit from the
popular discontent against the previous BJP-led government’s policies. It
seeks to respond to the mandate of the people by assuring relief from the
ill-effects of the six years of BJP rule, without making any major change in the
class character of the Congress and the performance of the UPA government which
pursues policies of liberalization and accedes to the demands of international
finance capital, the impact of such policies on the livelihood and living
conditions of the people is bound to generate discontent. The experience of the
ten months of the Congress-led government confirms this.
against the communal forces is also conditioned by the vacillations and lack of
ideological firmness of the Congress. It seeks to rely on electoral tactics and
maneouvres to defeat the BJP. While the UPA government is committed to some
steps to restore the secular principle in the State, they cannot be relied upon
to carry out a consistent struggle – political and ideological – against the
communal and divisive forces.
Manmohan Singh government and most of the UPA allies are committed to pursuing
the economic policies of liberalization and privatization. The situation is such
that whereas the Congress-led combination can be supported for following the CMP
in any step taken to undo the damage done to secularism in the past, it cannot
be overlooked that the Congress-led government’s policies on the economic
front actually undercut the support for democratic and secular forces.
regional parties continue to play an important role in national politics.
Earlier, the BJP was successful in coming to power by winning over important
regional parties as its allies. The Congress too succeeded in the 2004 election
by allying with such parties. Given their class basis among the regional
bourgeois-landlord classes, these parties have displayed vacillations and
opportunism that emanated from their political interests in their concerned
states. Their contradiction with the all India bourgeois-landlord classes is
muted given their support for liberalisation. Increasing caste appeal is
determining the mass base of some of these parties which is amongst the reasons
for their opportunistic stances. The Party’s stand of cooperating with secular
regional parties who are prepared to fight the communal forces while opposing
those who join hands with the BJP, was proved correct. In the recent period, it
has led to the weakening of the BJP-led alliance, the NDA, and some of the
regional parties like the DMK have joined the secular forces.
intensification of the caste appeal in electoral politics and the formulation of
the political forces on caste lines is a marked feature of the current
situation. Caste based political mobilisation which was a feature of the Hindi
states earlier has spread to other states too. This narrow appeal hampers the
development of the democratic movement and helps perpetuate patronage politics
revolving around caste leaders who switch allegiances without any ideological or
and the Left have to be vigilant about the role of imperialism, which the
bourgeois parties ignore. But in domestic economic and political affairs and in
foreign policy, the influence of imperialism and particularly the USA has grown.
Here again, except for some shift in emphasis, the strategic collaboration with
the US and its deep inroads remain.
feature is the role of the Left in the current situation. The role of the Left
is significant though its strength is limited. It is in a crucial position which
should be utilized to advance the struggle against communalism, the pro-big
business and foreign capital economic policies, and imperialism.
Party & Project The Left
situation after the 14th Lok Sabha elections is such where people
have heightened expectations from the Party and the Left. Such a favourable
situation should be utilized to develop mass movements on political issues and
to initiate struggles of different sections of the people on their economic
demands. Adopting this course will enable the Party to advance. Otherwise, if we
only cater to the expectations of the people that the Left can deliver relief
through its support to the government, then it will only discredit the Party and
and the Left are engaging the UPA government in discussions on economic policies
and alternatives for development. For the first time, the Left’s positions on
policy matters and alternative policies are being widely purveyed among the
people. The Left has given alternative proposals on FDI caps, patents,
electricity act and foreign policy. The Party should utilize the situation not
only to oppose the bourgeois-landlord policies but to offer concrete
alternatives to government policies.
large sections of the people who are not within the organizational reach of the
Party or mass organizations. They will respond to calls to defend their rights
and to protect their interests. How far we can reach them and bring them into
the ambit of the mass organisations and in contact with the Party’s politics
will determine the success we will achieve in utilizing the current favourable
and the importance to reach out to wider sections of people and build broad
platforms around issues have to be grasped. The defeat of the communal forces in
the Lok Sabha elections has provided an opening for the Left but it does not
mean a change in the correlation of political forces. The UPA coalition headed
by the Congress, given its class character, will not introduce any alternative
policies. More people have to be rallied to the Left and democratic platform and
the Left strengthened, if the space gained by the Left is to be expanded. It is
imperative that the Party expand its influence and base beyond its strongholds
in the three states.
platforms with other parties and groups to fight for people’s issues should be
accorded importance. During elections, to fulfill immediate electoral aims, the
Party can enter into adjustments and understanding, but these are for the
specific electoral purpose and should not be treated as durable alliances. It
will be parliamentary opportunism if the requirements or prospects of an
electoral understanding override the independent role of the Party. The
independent role of the Party should not be circumscribed by such
Role of the Party
the above situation, the Party has to play the following role:
has to build on the success of dislodging the BJP from the Centre and initiate a
broad campaign to roll back the vantage points gained by the communal forces in
different spheres of society, political, educational and cultural.
extends support to the UPA government so that the levers of State power are not
with the combination headed by the BJP. It is up to the UPA to ensure that its
government has a stable tenure by implementing the pro-people measures in the
CMP and by maintaining its political cohesion. The Party and the Left should
continue to press the UPA government to see that the positive features in the
CMP are implemented and carried forward. This can be accomplished only by
bringing into play the pressure of mass movements and struggles.
has no illusions about the basic approach and policies of the Congress-led
coalition government. It should act as the sentinel of the people’s interests
and take appropriate measures in this regard when required.
has to intervene and develop the struggles which are going to erupt under the
impact of the liberalization process adopted by the bourgeois-landlord ruling
classes and which are reflected in the UPA government’s economic policies. The
Party has to champion the cause of national sovereignty, protecting the scope
for independent decision-making through the democratic process of people
centered economic policies.
It is for
the CPI(M), the Left forces and organizations of the working people to mobilize
the people and launch struggles to defend the interests of the working people
and to bring about a situation where alternative policies come onto the national
has to take up the issues of foreign policy, oppose the succumbing to the
pressures from imperialist finance capital and to work to check the imperialist
influence penetrating different spheres of society.
Parliament too, the Party will exercise all the opportunities to defend the
people’s interests, push for measures to strengthen secularism and check
imperialist influence. It will support any step which is in conformity with
these three broad goals and will criticise and oppose specific policy measures
which go against them.
projection of the Left positions, the strengthening of the Party and the
building of the Left and democratic platform are the key tasks in the coming
the BJP, the Congress and other bourgeois parties, the CPI(M) has to project the
Left standpoint and alternative policies. They pertain to the political,
economic, social and cultural spheres. At the ideological level, the Party
should counter all the bourgeois and feudal ideologies that pervade society.
can be strengthened by taking up the issues of the different sections of the
people, in particular the working people. The expansion of the Party mainly
depends on the development of the peasant movement taking up the multifarious
problems thrown up by the agrarian crisis and building a powerful working class
movement. Conducting independent struggles at the local level and linking these
struggles to the broader political mobilization for a Left and democratic
platform opens the way for the Party’s expansion. For developing united
movements encompassing all sections, the National Platform of Mass Organisations
(NPMO) should be activised. Developing the mass organizations with an
independent and democratic style of functioning constitutes an important link in
expanding the mass movements.
Given the present situation the task is not only to carry forward the
struggle against the communal forces but also to intensify the struggle against
the policies of liberalization and the dictates of international finance
capital. The CPI(M) and the Left therefore must wage a struggle on both fronts
– against communalism and against the renewed push for liberalization. The
struggle against communalism and the economic policies are in fact connected to
the anti-imperialist task, as both the Hindutva forces and the liberalisers are
distinguished by their pro-imperialism.
reiterates that it is not possible to have a united front or alliance with the
Congress. This is what determined our decision not to join a Congress-led
government but to support it from outside. In the coming days the Party should
have ties with all the secular parties within and outside the UPA who are not
allied to the BJP. The Party is not for the consolidation of two bourgeois
formations headed by the Congress and the BJP. The Party will work for the
realization of a third alternative as the political situation matures for it.
As the 16th
Congress resolution pointed out, the formation of a third alternative as a
stable formation can come about only when the Left gets further strengthened at
the all-India level. Without this, such combinations are short-term measures.
The 17th Congress, summing up the experience of such third
formations, also opined that it must be based on some common programme. The
process of formation of such a third alternative, as distinct from electoral
understandings for specific elections must begin by drawing the non-Congress
secular bourgeois parties and other democratic forces into campaigns and
struggles on common issues.
formation of a third alternative will materialize only when there is a change in
the stand of the political parties which are today either with the Congress or
the BJP. As far as economic policies are concerned, most of the regional parties
adhere to liberalisation-privatisation. Without effecting a change in the
outlook of these political parties, it will not be possible to go towards the
formation of an alternative political combination. This requires the
intervention of the Party and the Left. It is possible to bring about a change
in these political parties and the current alignments only by building big
movements and unleashing struggles. It is only through such movements and
struggles that the masses following these parties will be influenced and a shift
will take place. The key to bring about a change in the existing
bourgeois-landlord combinations is for the Party and the Left to build big
movements and united platforms by rallying all democratic and fighting forces
representing the working people.
Left-led governments of West Bengal and Tripura are a vital component of the
Left and democratic movement in the country. The Left Front government of West
Bengal is unique in that it is in its twenty-eighth year in office. Some of the
important elements of the Left and democratic platform have been taken up for
implementation by the West Bengal government since 1977, though in a limited
fashion. Whether it be land reforms, decentralised panchayat system, assuring
democratic rights of working people, defence of secularism and communal harmony,
West Bengal under Left Front rule has shown the way. In the three-tier panchayat
elections of 2003, the Left Front won 67.2 per cent of the total seats, as
compared to 58 per cent in 1998. To further economic development, the government
is concentrating on developing the industrial and productive base which can
generate more employment.
Left Front government is in its third term in office since 1993. In the
North-East, it stands out for its unique record of maintaining and strengthening
tribal-non tribal unity, in the face of concerted and diabolical attempts by
extremist groups to disrupt the unity of the people. Tripura is a shining
example of how the communist approach protects national unity and counters the
divisive forces. The setting up of the tribal autonomous district council and
the work done by the Left Front government to promote balanced development have
cemented the unity of the working people. The record of service for the common
people and the poor has converted Tripura into a bastion for the Left and
the neo-liberal policies of the Centre, the Left-led governments have to
struggle hard to pursue policies which ensure pro-people and balanced
development. While promoting private investment, the Left Front governments
defend the public sector in key areas, protect and, if possible, expand public
expenditure in the social sector and project alternative policies to protect the
poorer sections who are the worst affected by the policies pursued by the
progress in Left unity has mirrored the increased Left intervention in national
politics. The Left’s enhanced role in the post-election situation required
increased coordination which is reflected in the regular meetings of the
coordination committee of the Left parties. At the policy level, the Left is
playing an important role in projecting alternative policies to the course
adopted by the UPA government while cooperating with it to restore the secular
principle and further isolating the BJP.
as the largest Left party, has to undertake the work of not only strengthening
the current unity of the four Left parties but also to draw in all the
Left-minded groups and individuals on to a common Left platform. Such a broad
unity and united intervention will be the lever for widening the movements and
struggles and expanding the influence of the Left.
& Democratic Forces
platform is essentially a democratic platform along with the class demands of
the working people that are an alternative to the bourgeois-landlord policies.
It is this platform which should be the basis for rallying the democratic
forces, so that the way is opened for the forging of a Left and democratic
The Left and democratic
forces comprise not only political parties, but movements, groups and
individuals who share a common outlook and goals. The CPI(M) as the largest Left
party has to work towards rallying the forces for forging such a platform. The
Left and democratic platform must have the following features. The concrete
demands and alternative policies will flow from the perspective set out below:
national unity and secularism
principle of separation of religion and politics with necessary legislation;
strengthen secular character of the State and its institutions; remove RSS
infiltration in the State apparatus. Combat communal ideology in society. Ensure
justice for all victims of communal crimes and violence perpetrated especially
in Gujarat. Provide maximum autonomy to Jammu & Kashmir within the ambit of
Article 370. Enforce rule of law and judicial process to resolve disputes such
a democratic restructuring of agrarian relations
radical land reforms, distribution of surplus land and cultivable waste land to
the landless. Provision of sufficient public investment for agricultural
development; expansion of irrigation facilities; credit to poorer sections of
peasantry. Ensure procurement at minimum support prices for agricultural
produce. Promote cooperatives run on democratic lines in all spheres. Protect
bio-diversity and seed rights of farmers. Protect land rights of adivasis and
restore land illegally alienated from them.
an economy based on national sovereignty and people’s needs
policies of liberalisation including WTO agreements to strengthen self-reliant
economic growth; streamline and strengthen public sector in core and strategic
sectors; promote non-monopolistic industrial growth, encourage medium and small
scale industries. Ensure adequate resource mobilisation by increased direct
taxes, recovery of tax dues and curbing black money. Foreign capital investment
to be based on national priorities and requirements of advanced technology.
Regulate capital flows.
For a democratic and federal political
a truly federal system, restructure Centre-state relations with more powers to
the states. Revise concurrent list in the Constitution for this purpose.
Substantial increase in state share in divisible pool. Replace Article 356 with
suitable clauses to be invoked in extraordinary situations with sanction of
parliament. Revamp role of Governors. Expand democratic rights of citizens;
scrap repressive laws like NSA and ESMA. Introduce proportional representation
with partial list system in elections. Electoral reforms to curb money power and
malpractices. Curb corruption by stringent action against corrupt public
servants, businessmen and politicians. Develop public broadcasting system in
electronic media with democratic control.
For the rights of working people
based minimum wages for workers; recognition of trade union on the basis of
secret ballot; statutory provision for workers’ participation in management;
end discrimination of women workers; equal wages for equal work. Comprehensive
legislation for workers in the unorganized sector; ensure minimum wages for
agricultural workers and other rights through Central legislation. Right to work
as a fundamental right in the Constitution. Provide right to strike as a basic
For people’s welfare and balanced
up a universal public distribution system to cover 14 essential commodities;
adequate procurement of food stocks by the State for this purpose. Implement
employment guarantee act and food-for-work programme. Improvement of public
health system and expansion of primary health centres with adequate stocks of
medicines. Housing to be a basic right. Compulsory primary education and
universal elementary education; free education up to the secondary stage.
Revamping educational system on democratic, secular and scientific lines. A
comprehensive sports policy which provides adequate sports facilities for the
For social justice and equal rights for
women, dalits, adivasis and minorities
for women in all spheres by ending all forms of discrimination. Equal rights in
property; joint pattas for women; provision of one-third reservation for women
in legislatures and Parliament; measures to abolish child labour.
untouchability and atrocities against scheduled castes and tribes by stringent
action. Ensure reservation quotas for them are filled. Ensure right to forest
land and protection of the cultural identity of adivasis. Regional autonomy for
contiguous areas with majority adivasi population. Equality of all Indian
languages. Encouragement to Urdu language.
For an independent and anti-imperialist
an independent foreign policy with anti-imperialist orientation, end strategic
military and security cooperation with US and Israel; no nuclear weaponisation;
strive for universal nuclear disarmament; strengthen relations with socialist
countries; support to anti-imperialist struggles and world peace; strengthen
relations with China and promote India-China-Russia cooperation; promote
political dialogue to settle Indo-Pakistan disputes; policy of friendship and
closer ties with neighbouring countries in South Asia.
The Left and democratic platform presents the real alternative to the
current bourgeois-landlord policies. The Party should conduct all its political
and organisational activities with the aim of building the Left and democratic
front by rallying all the parties, organisations, groups and individuals who
will work together to realise the above platform. The formation of the Left and
democratic front will be an advance towards the eventual formation of a
people’s democratic front to accomplish the people’s democratic revolution.
and the Left are placed in a favourable situation in the country today. Due to
the consistent struggle against communalism and the pro-imperialist and pro-rich
economic policies, defence of national sovereignty against imperialism, more and
more sections of the people are recognizing the Left as the defender of the
people and the country’s interests. Such a situation has to be utilized to
take the Party’s politics and ideology to wider sections of the people who
have not come within the ambit of the influence of the Left forces.
This is the time to launch a
widespread campaign to take the message of the Party and the Left to the entire
country. The Party should launch countrywide movements for land, food and
employment. The platform of anti-imperialism, defence of people’s economic
interests and the fight against communal and divisive forces will elicit a big
response if the Party reaches out to new sections of the people and in new
areas. Building a powerful Party based on the communist principles of
organisation and creatively applying Marxism to the living problems of Indian
society is a key task.
The entire Party should go
to the people with the message of the 18th Congress, to mobilize them
and organise them, so that the struggle for a secular, united and sovereign
India free from class and social oppression marches forward.
an all-sided struggle against communalism!
a strong movement against the harmful economic policies of the Central
Government and for alternative policies!
US imperialist aggression globally and imperialist penetration in our country!
the Left and democratic forces all over the country!