The
Marxist
Volume: 18, No. 01
January-March 2002
Significance of the 17th Party Congress of the CPI(M)
Harkishan
Singh
Surjeet
Radically
different
from
the
conference
of
the
bourgeois
parties,
the
Congress
of
the
Communist
Party
constitutes
the
highest
decision
making
body
of
the
Party.
The
Congress
is
enjoined
with
the
responsibility
to
evaluate
the
achievement
by
the
Party
in
integrating
theory
with
practice.
An
assessment
is
made
of
the
success,
failure
or
drawbacks
in
implementing
the
tactical
line
worked
out
at
the
previous
Congress
and
on
that
basis
the
tactical
line
for
the
ensuing
period
in
pursuit
of
its
strategic
objective,
is
laid
down.
This
implies
concrete
application
of
Marxism-Leninism
to
the
concrete
conditions
prevailing
at
a
particular
point
of
time.
Each
Congress,
therefore,
is
intrinsically
connected
with
the
earlier
one
in
as
much
as
it
lays
down
and
reviews
the
work
done
by
the
Party
in
pursuance
of
the
strategic
objective
of
People's
Democratic
Revolution
by
changing
the
correlation
of
class
forces,
under
the
leadership
of
the
working
class
based
on
the
alliance
with
the
peasantry
alongwith
the
petty
bourgeoisie
and
the
non-monopolist
bourgeoisie
it
overthrows
the
rule
of
the
bourgeois-landlord
classes.
Towards
achievement
of
this
objective
the
struggles
in
the
economic,
political,
cultural,
social
and
ideological
spheres
has
to
be
carried
ahead.
The
struggles
on
all
these
fronts
have
to
go
on
simultaneously.
It
is
only
by
integrating
these
struggles
that
we
will
be
able
to
achieve
the
leading
position.
Before
adopting
the
Political
Resolution,
which
lays
down
the
tactical
line
for
the
immediate
period
ahead,
the
document
is
discussed
at
various
stages.
The
draft
document
is
placed
before
the
entire
Party
for
inner-Party
discussion
two
months
ahead
of
the
Congress.
Every
member
is
given
the
right
and
encouraged
to
send
amendments
to
the
Draft.
The
amendments
thus
received
are
scrutinised
by
the
Central
Committee
and
those
that
are
in
line
with
the
understanding
of
the
Party
are
accepted
and
a
report
presented
to
the
Congress.
Once
this
process
is
over,
the
Draft
alongwith
the
accepted
amendments
go
to
the
Congress.
Here
too,
amendments
are
received
from
the
delegates.
At
the
end
of
the
discussion
at
the
Congress,
the
Resolution
is
put
for
approval.
The
adoption
of
the
Political
Resolution
has
to
invariably
go
through
this
procedure
laid
down
in
the
Party
Constitution.
This
ensures
that
all
members
of
the
Party
are
involved
in
the
discussion
at
all
levels
in
the
Party.
Thus,
the
resolution,
while
uniting
the
entire
Party
behind
the
understanding
carried
in
the
Resolution,
makes
the
whole
exercise
democratic.
Further,
it
stated
that
the
"struggle
against
the
communal
forces,
their
designs
to
disrupt
national
unity
and
the
democratic
movement
assume
importance.
This
can
be
done
only
on
the
basis
of
a
broad-based
mobilisation.
The
efforts
to
forge
and
strengthen
the
third
alternative,
in
electoral
terms,
will
have
to
be
renewed.
While
there
is
no
question
of
an
alliance,
or,
united
front
with
Congress
with
its
present
policies,
efforts
must
be
made
to
reach
out
to
its
mass
following
which
has
a
sizeable
section
of
people
adhering
to
secularism."
The
understanding
of
the
16th
Congress
was
that
to
be
able
to
advance
the
struggle
to
isolate
the
communal
forces
and
to
resist
the
attacks
on
the
livelihood
of
the
people,
it
is
necessary
to
project
a
third
alternative.
We
have
been
pursuing
our
efforts
to
reforge
the
third
alternative.
This,
as
the
17th
Congress
resolution
notes,
"is
necessary
to
meet
the
current
situation
wherein
both
the
BJP
and
the
Congress
are
gathering
parties
around
them
and
trying
to
see
that
two
combinations
emerge…..
A
step
towards
this
was
the
formation
of
the
People's
Front,
which
comprises
the
Left
parties
and
some
of
the
secular
opposition
parties
like
the
Samajwadi
Party
and
Janata
Dal(S).
This
combination
is
a
partial
expression
of
the
immediate
need
for
a
third
force.
Some
of
the
secular
bourgeois
parties
will
come
and
go
out
of
this
formation,
but
its
existence
will
help
meet
the
needs
of
the
current
situation."
At
the
same
time
the
Party
Congress
emphasised
that
the
real
alternative
is
the
Left
&
Democratic
Front.
This,
however,
should
not
be
confused
with
the
People's
Democratic
stage.
Until
we
reach
the
People's
Democratic
stage
where
the
working
class
will
have
leadership
over
the
other
allied
classes,
the
Left
&
Democratic
Front
is
a
slogan
for
the
interim
period
till
we
reach
the
goal
of
People's
Democracy.
The
Left
and
democratic
programme
spelt
out
in
the
Congress
resolution
should
form
the
basis
for
developing,
organising
and
expanding
the
Party's
multifaceted
activities
enabling
it
to
rally
all
other
Left
and
democratic
forces
and
the
mass
of
the
working
people
who
constitute
the
base
of
the
Left
and
democratic
front.
The
correlation
of
class
forces
in
the
world
has
changed
radically
after
the
disintegration
of
the
Soviet
Union
and
restoration
of
capitalism
in
the
countries
of
Eastern
Europe.
It
has
made
our
task
much
more
difficult.
We
have
to
take
these
factors
into
consideration
while
working
out
our
tactical
line.
A
Communist
Party
has
to
integrate
national
developments
with
the
international
situation
as
both
cast
an
influence
over
the
other.
Development
of
Contradictions
Analysed
While
assessing
the
international
situation,
a
Communist
Party,
takes
into
account
the
contradictions
prevailing
at
the
international
level
at
a
given
point
of
time.
Karl
Marx,
during
his
time
had
analysed
that
the
main
contradiction
that
had
emerged
in
certain
countries
was
between
the
working
class
and
the
bourgeoisie.
Later
on,
Lenin
analysing
the
development
of
capitalism
noted
that
imperialism
is
the
highest
stage
of
capitalism.
Lenin
analysed
that
two
more
contradictions
had
emerged
at
this
stage
--
inter-imperialist
contradictions
and
the
contradiction
between
imperialism
and
colonial
countries.
The
establishment
of
the
Soviet
Union
saw
the
emergence
of
the
contradiction
viz.
between
imperialism
and
socialism.
How
we
view
the
development
of
the
fundamental
contradictions
and
their
inter-relationship
was
set
out
in
the
ideological
plenum
in
Burdwan
in
1968.
We
recognised
the
contradiction
between
imperialism
and
socialism
as
the
central
contradiction
of
the
period.
This
does
not
mean
that
any
of
the
other
cannot
accentuate
and
come
to
the
fore.
At
present,
we
recognise
that
the
contradiction
between
imperialism
and
developing
countries
has
intensified
the
most,
in
the
background
of
the
imperialist-driven
globalisation
and
its
effects
on
the
third
world
countries.
Intensification
of
one
fundamental
contradiction
will
have
its
effect
on
the
development
of
the
other
contradictions.
None
of
the
contradictions
remain
either
static
or
dormant.
In
an
earlier
period
when
Lenin
analysed
the
situation
during
the
first
world
war
he
came
to
the
conclusion
that
the
inter-imperialist
contradiction
had
become
the
acutest
leading
to
a
world
war.
In
the
1960s
in
the
course
of
the
Vietnam
war
and
the
national
libeation
struggle
of
the
Vietnamese
people,
we
had
analysed
that
the
contradiction
between
imperialism
and
the
oppressed
countries
had
intensified
the
most.
It
will
be
un-Marxist
to
highlight
one
contradiction
to
the
exclusion
of
the
others
without
seeing
their
dialectical
relationship.
Therefore,
while
working
out
the
stage
of
the
revolution,
we
have
to
keep
in
mind
the
contradictions
prevailing
at
a
particular
period
both
internationally
as
well
as
internally.
Analysing
the
contradictions
on
the
international
plane,
the
CPI(M)
Programme
notes:
"Despite
the
fact
that
the
international
correlation
of
forces
favour
imperialism
at
the
end
of
the
twentieth
century
and
capitalism
continues
to
develop
productive
forces
with
the
application
of
new
scientific
and
technological
advances,
it
remains
a
crisis-ridden
system
apart
from
being
a
system
of
oppression,
exploitation
and
injustice.
The
only
system,
which
is
an
alternative
to
capitalism,
is
socialism.
The
central
social
contradiction
therefore
remains
that
between
imperialism
and
socialism
for
the
epoch.
The
contradiction
between
the
imperialist
`countries
and
the
third
world
countries
rapidly
intensifies
under
the
neo-liberal
global
offensive
and
it
is
coming
to
the
forefront.
Given
the
uneven
development
under
capitalism,
the
contradictions
between
imperialist
countries
continue
to
exist.
The
contradiction
between
labour
and
capital
aggravates
with
the
current
features
of
capitalism
as
noted
above.
All
these
contradictions
continue
to
intensify
and
exert
their
influence
on
world
events."
The
Political
Resolution
adopted
at
the
17th
Congress
taking
note
of
the
inhuman
nature
of
capitalism
and
the
burdens
it
is
imposing
on
the
people
in
the
world,
notes
that
"in
the
present-day
context
are
leading
to
the
intensification
of
all
the
four
major
world
social
contradictions,
with
the
contradiction
between
imperialism
and
the
developing
countries
intensifying
sharply."
However,
the
central
contradiction
remains
that
between
socialism
and
imperialism.
Global
Economic
Crisis
The
contradiction
between
imperialism
and
the
developing
countries
is
sharpening
thanks
to
the
policies
of
globalisation
The
internationalisation
of
finance
capital
continues
to
grow.
While,
on
the
one
hand,
the
grip
of
IMF,
World
Bank
and
the
WTO
over
the
third
world
countries
have
tightened,
on
the
other
hand
finance
capital
driven
global
capitalism
was
reaching
unsustainable
proportions.
The
current
crisis
has
affected
all
major
capitalist
centres.
There
has
been
a
sharp
fall
in
production
and
increased
unemployment.
It
has
affected
the
USA,
Japan
and
Germany
as
well.
This
global
capitalist
crisis
is
having
its
impact
on
the
developing
countries
in
the
form
of
economic
slowdowns
and
recession.
Already
facing
adverse
terms
of
trade,
the
crisis
in
the
developed
countries
will
be
transferred
to
developing
countries.
The
recent
developments
in
Argentina
only
confirm
this.
Politically,
even
before
the
September
11,
2001
terrorist
attacks
in
the
USA,
US
imperialism
has
been
trying
to
consolidate
its
political
hegemony.
This
is
reflected
in
the
support
of
Israel's
aggression
against
the
Palestinian
people;
the
bombing
of
Yugoslavia
and
the
intervention
in
Kosovo,
the
attacks
on
Iraq
etc.
The
coming
into
office
of
George
Bush
as
the
US
President
has
seen
a
more
right-wing
effort
to
strengthen
its
hegemony
over
the
world.
In
pursuance
of
its
National
Missile
Defence
(NMD)
system,
the
US
has
unilaterally
withdrawn
from
the
Anti
Ballistic
Missile
(ABM)
treaty.
This
will
lead
to
a
new
round
of
arms
race.
Both
China
and
Russia
have
opposed
the
NMD.
The
treaty
between
China
and
Russia
signed
this
year
will
lead
to
the
establishment
of
a
strategic
relationship
between
the
two
countries,
which
in
turn
will
contribute
to
developing
resistance
to
US
hegemony.
"War
Against
Terrorism":
New
US
Offensive
However,
in
the
post-September
11
situation,
US
imperialism
is
seeking
to
create
a
division
on
the
basis
of
those
countries
who
are
with
it
and
those
not
supporting
it
in
its
so-called
"war
against
terrorism".
It
is
now
seeking
to
extend
this
war
beyond
Afghanistan.
It
is
targetting
Iraq,
Iran,
DPRK,
Sudan
and
Somalia
as
they
fall
within
its
so-called
"axis
of
evil".
Ferocious
Attack
on
Palestinian
People
Taking
advantage
of
the
US
war
against
terrorism,
the
Israeli
government
has
undertaken
a
full-fledged
assault
on
the
Palestinian
people.
The
Israeli
defence
forces
have
invaded
the
Palestinian
Authority
territories
in
the
West
Bank
with
its
full
armed
might.
Hundreds
have
been
killed
resisting
the
Israeli
onslaught.
Yasser
Arafat
has
been
under
siege
in
his
office
in
Ramallah.
The
Party
Congress
adopted
a
special
resolution
denouncing
the
Israeli
aggression
and
expressing
firm
solidarity
with
the
Palestinian
people.
In
the
coming
period,
the
struggle
of
the
Palestinian
people
for
an
independent
state
will
be
won
of
the
key
issues
in
the
anti-imperialist
struggle.
Socialist
Countries
The
Party
Congress
also
noted
that
despite
the
setbacks
to
socialism
in
the
former
USSR
and
Eastern
Europe,
the
socialist
countries
have
continued
to
successfully
withstand
the
adverse
global
economic
situation,
while
at
the
same
time
resisting
imperialist
pressures.
One-fourth
of
humanity
continues
to
live
under
socialism.
China's
steady
annual
economic
growth
of
around
eight
per
cent
stands
in
sharp
contrast
to
the
global
economic
scenario.
At
the
same
time,
in
the
former
socialist
countries
of
Mongolia,
Moldavia,
Ukraine
and
Poland,
in
the
recent
elections,
the
people
have
rejected
parties
and
formations,
which
had
guided
the
counter-revolution
in
these
countries.
In
Russia,
the
Communist
Party
of
Russian
Federation
has
emerged
as
the
largest
group
in
Parliament
in
successive
elections.
Thus,
while
imperialism
is
intensifying
its
offensive,
popular
discontent
continues
to
grow
against
imperialist
aggressiveness.
This
is
reflected
in
various
struggles
and
movements
the
world
over
particularly
the
mass
protests
which
began
in
Seattle
in
1999.
Wherever
the
communist
parties
have
been
able
to
effectively
intervene
in
channelising
this
popular
discontent,
they
have
succeeded
in
forging
stronger
links
with
the
people
in
their
countries.
National
Situation
The
vacuum
created
by
the
decline
of
the
Congress
party,
saw
the
rapid
growth
of
the
communal
forces
led
by
the
BJP,
in
the
absence
of
the
Left
and
democratic
forces
being
unable
to
fill
the
void.
Having
won
just
two
Lok
Sabha
seats
in
the
1984
elections,
the
BJP,
by
1996,
had
emerged
as
the
single
largest
party.
Though
given
a
chance,
it
was
unable
to
gather
support
from
other
parties
and
its
illegitimate
ministry
lasted
for
a
mere
13
days.
However,
in
1998,
after
the
12th
Lok
Sabha
elections,
it
was
able
to
come
into
office
by
March
1998
with
support
from
some
parties.
Taking
note
of
this
development,
the
16th
Congress
Political
Resolution
pointed
out:
"For
the
first
time,
the
reins
of
power
at
the
Centre
are
in
the
hands
of
an
avowedly
communal
party,
which
works
under
the
guidance
of
the
fascistic
Rashtriya
Swayamsevak
Sangh.
This
has
greatly
intensified
the
threat
posed
by
the
communal
forces
to
the
secular
and
democratic
foundations
of
the
polity
and
the
preservation
of
national
unity.
Further
the
right
reactionary
character
of
the
BJP-RSS
combine
portends
a
bigger
onslaught
on
the
working
people
and
the
Left
and
democratic
forces."
Danger
of
BJP
Rule
The
danger
of
having
a
communal
party
like
the
BJP
in
power
is
borne
out
by
the
recent
mass
killings
in
Gujarat.
More
than
a
thousand
people,
belonging
mainly
to
the
minority
community
have
been
killed
in
the
worst
ever
communal
violence
since
partition.
Women
have
been
raped
and
untold
atrocities
committed
all
in
the
name
of
"reprisal"
for
the
gruesome
attack
on
the
Sabarmati
Express,
which
killed
58
passengers
at
Godhra.
Around
a
lakh
people
have
sought
shelter
in
refugee
camps.
The
Chief
Minister
has
sought
to
justify
the
State-sponsored
mass
annihilation
of
people
belonging
to
the
minority
community,
as
a
reaction
to
the
Godhra
attack.
It
is
under
the
cover
of
the
NDA
agenda
that
the
push
for
building
the
temple
at
Ayodhya,
revising
the
Constitution
and
attacks
on
minority
rights
are
taking
place
--
precisely
all
those
"contentious
issues"
which
are
not
supposed
to
be
on
the
agenda
of
the
NDA.
The
ruling
coalition
is
the
NDA,
but
the
actual
rulers
are
the
BJP.
The
NDA
is
a
convenient
cover
for
the
BJP-RSS
combine
to
push
ahead
with
its
real
agenda.
This
apart,
the
reality
of
having
a
BJP-led
government
at
the
Centre
must
be
understood
as
another
step
forward
in
the
realisation
of
the
goal
of
Hindu
rashtra.
The
demolition
of
the
Babri
Masjid
in
December
1992
was
just
the
first
step
in
this
long-term
agenda
of
the
RSS
and
the
Hindutva
forces.
Controlling
the
levers
of
State
power
was
the
second
step.
Despite
the
constraints
imposed
by
the
coalition
and
the
lack
of
an
absolute
majority,
the
BJP
is
going
ahead
and
penetrating
the
various
institutions
and
administrative
bodies.
The
Party
Congress
made
a
proper
appreciation
of
the
danger
posed
by
the
BJP
in
power
with
the
fascistic
RSS
behind
it.
The
call
to
defeat
the
BJP
emerged
as
the
main
task
in
the
political-tactical
line.
Attitude
to
Congress
The
attitude
to
the
Congress
party
came
up
for
serious
discussion
in
the
Congress.
Realising
the
danger
of
the
BJP
being
in
power
at
the
Centre,
the
Central
Committee
had
decided
in
1998
to
extend
issue
based
support
to
a
Congress-led
government
if
the
BJP
is
defeated
in
the
no-confidence
motion
in
1999
and
the
question
of
an
alternative
government
came
up.
The
Party
decided
that
"we
should
extend
support
to
a
Congress-led
government
from
outside
and
try
to
rally
all
our
allies
to
adopt
a
similar
position
to
us."
This
however,
did
not
materialise
with
the
RSP
and
Forward
Bloc
not
agreeing
to
the
proposal
and
the
refusal
of
the
Samajwadi
Party
to
extend
support
to
a
Congress-led
government.
The
failure
to
set
up
an
alternative
government
also
contributed
to
the
success
of
the
BJP
in
the
elections
that
followed.
The
victory
of
the
BJP-led
alliance
was
a
setback
for
the
secular
and
democratic
forces.
Amongst
other
factors,
the
big
bourgeoisie
and
imperialism
were
openly
in
favour
of
the
return
of
the
BJP
to
power
at
the
Centre.
We
had
clarified
in
the
16th
Congress
political
resolution
that
we
consider
the
BJP
and
its
alliance
to
be
the
main
target
to
defeat.
While
doing
so
we
should
not
enter
into
an
alliance
or
united
front
with
the
Congress.
This
is,
however,
not
a
line
of
equidistance
between
the
BJP
and
the
Congress.
As
the
17th
Congress
Political-Organisational
Report
notes:
"With
the
BJP
in
power
at
the
Centre,
it
has
emerged
as
the
main
threat.
The
Congress
party
and
policies
have
also
to
be
opposed
and
fought
not
only
in
the
states
were
the
Left
is
strong.
In
states
where
the
main
fight
is
between
the
BJP
and
the
Congress
and
the
Left
and
other
parties
of
the
third
force
are
weak,
the
Party
had
evolved
suitable
electoral
tactics
as
early
as
in
1993.
The
Party
and
the
Left
would
fight
a
limited
number
of
seats
and
generally
campaign
for
the
defeat
of
the
BJP.
This
does
not
warrant
any
joint
platform
or
campaign
with
the
Congress
Party."
We
are
clear
that
both
the
BJP
and
the
Congress
have
the
same
class
character.
The
Congress
party
stands
for
the
same
economic
policies
which
it
initiated
in
1991.
Its
state
governments
are
pursuing
the
same
policies
of
liberalisation
and
privatisation
as
the
central
government.
However,
the
BJP
is
a
communal
party
which
is
guided
by
the
RSS,
while
the
Congress
is
a
secular
party.
Therefore
in
the
current
juncture
both
these
parties
cannot
be
treated
as
equal
danger.
The
failure
to
appreciate
the
danger
posed
by
the
BJP
is
reflected
in
the
calls
for
maintaining
equidistance
between
the
BJP
and
the
Congress,
While
opposing
the
policies
of
the
Congress
at
the
national
level
and
of
the
state
governments
run
by
it,
the
Party
and
the
Left
will
have
to
coordinate
with
the
Congress
in
parliament
on
various
issues
especially
the
anti-democratic
and
anti-secular
policies
of
the
Vajpayee
government.
The
Political
Resolution
reiterates
that
the
CPI(M)
cannot
have
an
alliance
or
united
front
with
the
Congress
party,
but
in
the
present
situation
the
Party
should
adopt
tactics
which
will
enable
all
the
secular
and
democratic
forces
to
thwart
the
gameplan
of
the
BJP-RSS
combine.
For
this,
efforts
must
be
made
to
appeal
and
reach
out
to
the
mass
base
of
the
Congress
as
their
mobilisation
is
essential
for
strengthening
the
fight
against
communalism.
The
Congress
took
note
of
the
reactionary
economic
regime
that
the
BJP
is
presiding
over.
The
Congress
noted
that
in
terms
of
pursuing
the
pro-imperialist
prescriptions
of
the
IMF-World
Bank
and
the
WTO,
the
BJP-led
government
has
proved
to
be
the
worst
in
terms.
The
Resolution
states:
"The
Vajpayee
government's
economic
policies
are
marked
by
its
acceptance
of
the
dictates
of
imperialist
finance
capital
and
its
willingness
to
sacrifice
the
public
good
in
favour
of
the
Indian
big
bourgeoisie.
Given
the
BJP's
ideological
hostility
to
the
public
sector
and
open
affiliation
with
big
business,
the
Vajpayee
government
has
been
presiding
over
a
reactionary
economic
regime.
It
has
proved
to
be
the
most
callous
to
the
problems
of
mass
poverty
and
human
suffering."
The
government
in
pursuit
of
its
policy
of
liberalisation
has
opened
up
74
percent
to
100
per
cent
equity
ownership
to
foreign
capital,
including
retail
trade.
Simultaneously,
there
has
been
a
systematic
attack
on
the
public
sector.
The
sale
of
BALCO
at
scandalously
low
prices
and
the
privatisation
of
profitable
PSUs
like
VSNL
etc
are
harmful
to
the
country's
interests.
The
government
even
seeks
to
open
the
sensitive
defence
production
to
foreign
firms.
The
removal
of
quantitative
restrictions
on
imports
on
a
host
of
items
has
affected
the
Indian
industry
and
agriculture
badly.
While
cheap
imports
of
manufactured
goods
has
hit
the
domestic
industry
badly,
especially
in
the
small
and
medium
sector,
the
prices
of
agricultural
produce
like
coconut,
tobacco,
cotton,
sugarcane,
tea,
coffee,
rubber,
pepper
etc.
have
fallen.
The
Political
Resolution
notes
that
the
"cumulative
impact
of
the
liberalisation
policies
pursued
by
the
Central
government
and
most
of
the
state
governments
have
resulted
in
harmful
consequences
for
different
sections
of
the
people.
"(i)
The
plight
of
the
peasantry
and
agricultural
workers
has
worsened
especially
after
the
enforcement
of
the
WTO
regime.
Faced
with
the
steep
fall
in
the
prices
of
all
agricultural
commodities
and
the
increasing
debt
burden,
peasants
have
been
ruined
by
distress
sales.
Heavily
indebted
peasants
still
continue
to
commit
suicides
in
Andhra
Pradesh,
Karnataka,
Maharashtra,
Kerala,
Punjab,
Tamilnadu
etc.
"(ii)
The
agricultural
workers
have
suffered
a
sharp
fall
in
employment
and
living
standards
with
the
shift
away
from
foodgrain
production.
The
equivalent
of
non-agricultural
work
declined
due
to
the
decline
in
the
expenditure
on
rural
infrastructure.
The
per
capita
consumption
of
foodgrains
has
actually
declined
under
liberalisation.
"(iii)
The
working
class
has
come
in
for
severe
attack
due
to
the
largescale
closures
and
retrenchment.
Employment
in
the
public
sector
and
government
departments
is
dwindling
through
voluntary
retirement
schemes
and
cutbacks.
The
interest
rate
for
Provident
Fund
has
been
reduced
from
12
per
cent
to
9
per
cent
in
the
space
of
two
years,
so
also,
the
interest
rates
on
small
savings
and
bank
deposits,
robbing
workers,
employees
and
middle
classes
of
their
savings.
The
government
is
proposing
retrograde
changes
in
labour
laws
which
seek
to
do
away
with
even
the
limited
protection
for
the
workers.
"(iv)
The
handloom
industry
which
sustains
lakhs
of
weavers
is
in
crisis.
The
hike
in
prices
of
yarn,
cuts
in
subsidies
and
rising
costs
has
led
to
lakhs
of
looms
closing
down.
The
beedi
industry
is
also
in
crisis
with
no
relief
from
excise
and
other
duties.
Fisherfolk
with
traditional
fishing
methods
are
deprived
of
their
livelihood
by
the
entry
of
the
corporate
sector
and
big
mechanised
trawlers
for
fishing.
"(v)
Women
have
suffered
from
drastic
fall
in
employment
opportunities,
particularly
in
the
rural
areas.
The
cuts
in
social
sector
spending
has
hit
women
the
hardest
and
have
drastically
increased
their
work
volume
--
whether
it
is
in
the
fetching
of
drinking
water,
collection
of
fuel
etc.
The
social
impact
of
liberalisation
policies
include
an
increase
in
violence
against
women.
"(vi)
The
plight
of
dalits
and
adivasis
has
worsened.
The
dismantling
of
the
PDS,
the
cutbacks
in
social
sector
expenditure
and
the
privatisation
of
public
sector
have
all
taken
a
toll
on
the
health
and
livelihood
of
the
most
oppressed
sections
--
the
landless
scheduled
castes
and
the
adivasis
who
are
deprived
of
access
to
land
and
forests.
Liberalisation
and
privatisation
has
drastically
reduced
the
employment
prospects
through
reservation
of
jobs
for
dalits
and
backward
classes.
"(vii)
The
youth
in
urban
and
rural
areas
face
the
grim
prospect
of
unemployment.
Only
one
in
24
young
job
seekers
got
a
job
in
the
organised
sector
during
the
past
three
years.
41.2
million
(4.12
crore)
job
seekers
were
registered
with
the
employment
exchanges
as
on
31st
March
2001."
Take
Up
Social
Issues
The
political
resolution
enjoins
the
Party
to
fight
for
social
reforms.
Degrading
caste
practices,
social
oppression
of
women,
the
evil
of
dowry,
pernicious
social
and
religious
customs
are
all
issues
which
must
be
taken
up
by
the
Party
and
people
mobilised.
The
defence
of
democratic
values
will
help
the
advance
of
the
Left
and
democratic
forces.
In
this
connection,
special
attention
has
to
be
paid
to
the
struggle
of
women
for
equality
and
against
all
retrograde
anti-women
practices;
the
rights
of
dalits
and
adivasis
to
be
treated
as
equal
citizens
and
to
put
an
end
to
their
inhuman
social
and
economic
oppression.
Strengthen
Independent
Role
of
Party
The
Party
has
been
relentlessly
campaigning
both
independently
and
jointly
with
Left
parties
against
the
economic
policies,
the
attacks
on
minorities
and
the
pro-imperialist
policies
of
the
BJP-led
government.
The
Congress,
however,
noted
that
"these
activities
are
not
sufficient
in
scope
and
impact.
There
is
need
to
step
up
the
Party's
continuous
activities
and
develop
sustained
struggles
at
the
local
level
on
political
and
mass
issues."
But
it
should
be
noted
that
without
the
Party
and
the
Left
parties
advancing
and
increasing
their
all
India
strength
it
will
not
be
possible
to
effectively
fight
back
these
policies
and
move
towards
developing
the
Left
and
democratic
alternative.
The
independent
role
and
influence
of
the
Party
has
to
be
strengthened.
The
Party
has
to
rapidly
increase
its
political,
ideological
and
organisational
influence.
The
strengthening
of
the
Party
in
all
these
spheres,
the
Congress
noted
must
be
taken
as
the
main
task
in
the
coming
days.
The
17th
Congress
also
addressed
the
question
that
has
been
a
cause
of
concern
for
the
entire
Party
--
the
inability
to
grow
as
a
political
force
at
the
national
level
and
to
expand
rapidly
beyond
the
states
where
it
has
been
traditionally
strong.
Without
such
a
breakthrough
it
will
not
be
possible
to
change
the
correlation
of
class
forces
and
advance
towards
the
goal
of
People's
Democratic
Revolution.
The
Congress
noted
that
despite
the
correct
political-tactical
line
being
pursued,
our
progress
has
been
"minimal".
As
the
Political-Organisational
Report
notes:
"The
Party's
overall
influence
is
not
growing.
An
objective
review
would
show
that
except
for
the
three
strong
states
of
West
Bengal,
Kerala
and
Tripura,
the
Party
is
stagnant,
or
even
declining
in
some
areas,
in
terms
of
its
mass
base
and
organisational
strength.
Review
of
United
Front
Tactics
It
is
in
this
light
that
the
17th
Congress
made
a
review
of
whether
the
united
front
and
electoral
tactics
that
we
have
been
pursuing
since
the
10th
Congress
in
1978
has
led
the
Party
more
closer
towards
achieving
its
strategic
goal
of
People's
Democratic
Revolution.
The
Political-Organisational
report
noted
that
while
we
were
able
to
strengthen
and
consolidate
our
bases
in
West
Bengal,
Kerala
and
Tripura,
the
"Party
has
not
grown
commensurately
as
a
political
force
with
a
substantially
increased
mass
influence
at
the
all-India
level."
Further,
"The
stark
fact
is
that
despite
our
pre-occupation
with
parliamentary
and
electoral
work
there
is
not
a
single
parliamentary
constituency
outside
the
three
strong
states
where
we
can
win
on
our
own
strength."
About
the
status
of
Party
membership
the
report
notes
that:
"Though
the
Party
membership
has
increased
from
1.6
lakhs
in
1978
to
7.96
lakhs
in
the
year
2001,
the
three
strong
states
account
for
5.85
lakhs.
In
the
rest
of
India,
we
have
just
over
2
lakh
members.
If
we
exclude
the
membership
in
Tamilnadu
and
Andhra
Pradesh,
we
have
a
membership
of
only
around
85,000,
in
the
rest
of
India."
United
Front
tactics
are
essential
for
the
Party
to
advance.
While
in
the
electoral
battle
it
enables
us
to
effectively
intervene
to
achieve
the
immediate
aims,
at
the
political
level,
it
enables
the
Party
to
gain
accesses
to
the
masses
under
the
influence
of
the
bourgeois
parties.
However,
it
is
a
fact
that
we
have
not
been
able
to
make
much
headway.
The
report
notes
the
experiences
of
some
of
the
states
like
Andhra
Pradesh,
Tamilnadu,
Assam.
Maharashtra
and
Bihar
in
this
regard.
The
review
sums
up
the
shortcomings
in
our
united
front
with
bourgeois
parties:
Firstly,
a
self-critical
examination
shows
that
at
various
times
we
have
failed
to
demarcate
from
the
bourgeois
parties
with
whom
we
ally.
Secondly,
when
we
enter
into
electoral
alliances
with
bourgeois
parties
we
continue
to
maintain
the
unity
or
alliance
with
these
parties
even
when
they
run
state
governments
and
there
has
been
a
lag
in
asserting
our
independent
stand
and
launching
struggles
in
defence
of
the
people's
interests.
Thirdly,
united
front
tactics
have
been
mainly
confined
to
electoral
alliances
and
sufficient
attention
has
not
been
paid
to
united
platforms
for
mass
struggles
and
campaigns.
Fourthly,
failure
to
conduct
independent
activities
and
assert
our
independent
political
and
ideological
positions
vis
a
vis
the
bourgeois
allies
leads
to
blurring
of
our
identity
and
at
times
tailing
behind
them.
All
these
shortcomings
have
resulted
in
our
being
unable
to
gain
access
to
the
masses
following
the
bourgeois
parties
and
initiating
a
process
of
winning
over
sections
of
them
towards
us.
At
the
level
of
the
PB
and
CC
also
we
have
failed
to
intervene
at
the
appropriate
time
to
check
such
shortcomings
due
to
our
pre-occupation
with
keeping
such
allies
with
us.
The
review
has
spelt
out
the
correct
approach
to
untied
front
tactics
keeping
in
mind
the
need
for
the
Party
to
keep
gathering
allies
to
meet
the
immediate
tasks
and
to
rally
all
the
Left
democratic
and
secular
forces.
The
report
emphasised
that
in
the
coming
days
we
should
give
priority
to
stepping
up
the
independent
activities
of
the
Party
at
the
political,
ideological
and
organisational
spheres;
launch
struggles
and
movements
based
on
the
demands
of
the
Left
and
democratic
programme;
strengthening
Left
and
democratic
forces
through
campaigns
and
struggles;
implement
correct
tactics
of
united
platform
and
independent
activities
and
demarcate
whenever
necessary;
electoral
or
seat
adjustments
should
not
be
converted
into
a
permanent
united
front
which
hampers
our
independent
activity
and
assertion
of
our
policy
and
political
platform
and
where
there
are
state
governments
formed
by
parties
with
whom
we
had
electoral
understanding,
we
should
without
hesitation
lead
the
masse
in
their
struggle
against
the
wrong
policies
of
such
governments.
Strengthen
Organisation
In
order
to
implement
the
tasks
set
forth
in
the
political
resolution
and
the
political-organisational
report
and
to
advance
towards
the
goal
of
People's
Democracy,
it
is
essential
that
the
Party
be
strengthened.
Without
the
Party's
strength
and
influence
growing
at
the
all-India
level
such
a
task
will
be
difficult
to
achieve.
There
is
an
urgent
need
to
expand
the
Party
and
the
mass
organisations
both
in
the
weak
and
strong
states.
It
should
pay
more
attention
to
raise
the
ideological
level
and
consciousness
of
the
Party
members
at
all
levels;
strengthening
democratic
centralism
and
adherence
to
communist
norms.
The
organisational
report
has
set
out
concrete
tasks
for
strengthening
ideological
work
and
Party
education.
The
new
Central
Committee
has
been
directed
to:
(i)
undertake
ideological
discussion
to
update
the
Ideological
Resolution
adopted
at
the
14th
Congress;
(iii)
update
the
resolution
on
Party
and
mass
organisations
of
1981
in
the
light
of
the
subsequent
experience.
In
a
situation
where
US
imperialism
is
trying
to
further
strengthen
its
hegemony
and
the
attack
on
the
democracy,
peace
and
progressive
have
intensified
internationally
and
at
the
national
level
the
threat
from
the
communal
forces
has
increased,
the
Party
will
have
to
work
with
increased
vigour
and
zest
to
take
on
the
challenges
and
responsibilities
thrown
up
by
the
situation.
The
Party
will
have
to
launch
struggles
in
the
coming
days
to
defeat
the
BJP-led
government
by
rallying
the
broadest
sections
of
the
people
and
all
the
secular
and
democratic
forces.
This,
as
the
political
resolution
notes:
"must
be
accomplished
in
such
a
manner
as
to
pave
the
way
for
the
advance
of
the
Left
and
democratic
forces."