The
Marxist
Volume: 17, No. 02
April-June 2001
Deng
Xiaoping
Theory
and
the
Historical
Destiny
of
Socialism
Yang
Chungui
Tremendous
changes
have
taken
place
in
the
history
of
mankind
during
the
twentieth
century.
In
the
first
half
of
the
century
socialism
shocked
the
world
with
its
great
successes
over
large
areas
of
the
earth.
However,
in
the
final
years
of
the
century
its
setbacks
also
astounded
the
world,
especially
its
failure
in
the
Soviet
Union
and
Eastern
Europe.
These
great
changes
raised
the
question
of
the
future
and
destiny
of
socialism.
In
view
of
the
ecstatic
response
of
Western
hostile
forces
to
the
"grand
failure
of
communism,"
and
the
pessimism
of
those
who
once
believed
in
socialism,
Deng
Xiaoping
said
categorically,
"After
a
long
time,
socialism
will
necessarily
supersede
capitalism.
This
is
an
irreversible
general
trend
of
historical
development…..Some
countries
have
suffered
major
setbacks,
and
socialism
appears
to
have
been
weakened.
But
the
people
have
been
tempered
by
the
setbacks
and
have
drawn
lessons
from
them,
and
that
will
make
socialism
develop
in
a
healthier
direction."[i]
This
conclusion
has
been
borne
out
by
the
successful
practice
of
socialism
with
Chinese
characteristics
in
China
and
will
be
further
borne
out
in
the
coming
century
by
socialist
practice
throughout
the
world,
including
that
in
China.
I.
Socialism
Is
a
Historical
Process
With
Twist
and
Turns
in
Its
Development
Dialectical
materialism
tells
us
that
things
develop
with
a
combination
of
progress
and
reverses.
The
general
trend
in
towards
progress
and
development,
but
the
road
is
full
of
twists
and
turns.
This
is
the
case
in
the
natural
world
and
also
in
social
life.
Every
new
social
system
undergoes
numerous
difficulties
during
its
birth
and
development.
Capitalism
was
finally
substituted
for
feudalism
after
48
years
of
struggle
against
the
restoration
of
feudalism
in
Britain,
and
86
years
of
repeated
trails
of
strength
in
France.
It
took
two
to
three
hundred
years
for
capitalism
as
a
whole
to
grow
from
its
infancy
to
a
mature
stage
amidst
continuous
economic
and
political
crises.
This
was
the
case
in
the
development
of
capitalism,
in
which
a
new
form
of
exploitation
replaced
the
old,
let
alone
the
socialist
movement
that
will
destroy
all
systems
of
exploitation.
It
is
entirely
impractical
to
expect
socialism
to
enjoy
a
favorable
wind
all
the
way
and
encounter
no
resistance.
Socialism
has
experience
many
setbacks
and
low
ebbs,
but
the
general
trend
towards
socialism
replacing
capitalism
has
never
changed.
During
the
more
than
150
years
since
the
appearance
of
the
theory
of
scientific
socialism,
it
has
developed
from
the
conception
of
revolutionary
teachers
into
the
guiding
principle
of
the
workers'
movement
all
over
the
world,
from
theory
into
practice,
and
from
the
practice
in
one
country
into
that
in
many
countries,
presenting
a
constantly
growing
dynamic
movement.
It
is
inevitable
that
there
will
be
local
reverses
and
temporary
low
tides
or
even
reverses
during
this
process.
Marxists
who
keep
a
clear
head
with
regard
to
the
development
law
of
human
society
do
not
feel
puzzled
by
these
outward
phenomena,
but
unswervingly
believe
in
the
final
victory
of
socialism
and
communism,
and
face
the
harsh
realities
with
high
morale,
calmly
taking
up
the
gauntlet.
In
1987
during
the
Paris
Commune
uprising,
Karl
Marx
scientifically
predicted
that,
"whatever
therefore
its
fate
in
Paris,
it
will
make
le
tour
du
monde."[ii]
More
than
forty
years
later,
the
victory
of
the
October
Revolution
in
Russia
confirmed
Marx's
brilliant
foresight.
When
the
first
socialist
country
in
the
world
faced
grave
crises
due
to
armed
intervention
from
fourteen
imperialist
states,
in
addition
to
domestic
rebellion,
Lenin
firmly
pointed
out
that,
"Only
a
proletarian
socialist
revolution
can
lead
humanity
out
of
the
impasse
which
imperialism
and
imperialist
wars
have
created.
Whatever
difficulties
the
revolution
may
have
to
encounter,
whatever
possible
temporary
setbacks
or
waves
of
counter-revolution
it
may
have
to
contend
with,
the
final
victory
of
the
proletariat
is
inevitable."[iii]
The
revolutionary
road
followed
by
the
Chinese
people
was
even
more
difficult
and
convoluted.
In
the
28
years
before
the
founding
of
the
People's
Republic
of
China,
the
Chinese
democratic
revolution
suffered
repeated
setbacks
and
failures.
On
12
April
1927,
Jiang
Jieshi
staged
a
bloody
coup
d'etat
against
the
revolution
and
threw
the
Chinese
people
into
bloodshed.
But
the
Communist
Party
of
China
(CPC)
and
the
Chinese
people
were
neither
cowed,
conquered
nor
exterminated.
They
picked
themselves
up,
wiped
off
the
blood,
buried
their
fallen
comrades
and
went
into
battle
again.
Furthermore,
they
learned
to
use
armed
revolution
against
armed
counterrevolution
and
went
to
the
countryside
to
build
rural
base
areas.
In
the
beginning,
in
the
face
of
a
very
powerful
enemy,
some
people
asked:
"How
long
will
the
red
flag
fly?"
With
foresight
comrade
Mao
Zedong
pointed
out
that,
"A
single
spark
can
start
a
prairie
fire."
But
the
prairie
fire
also
experienced
many
ups
and
downs
and,
particularly
the
last
days
of
the
land
revolution,
Wang
Ming's
"Left
error
led
to
the
loss
of
90
per
cent
of
the
Party
and
revolutionary
forcers
in
the
base
areas
and
an
almost
complete
loss
in
the
Guomindang-controlled
areas.
However,
after
the
Red
Army
arrived
in
northern
Shaanxi,
the
CPC
summed
up
its
experiences
and
lessons
learned
and
went
on
to
defeat
all
its
enemies
and
win
the
final
victory
of
the
democratic
revolution.
The
road
to
socialist
construction
was
equally
uneven.
In
addition
to
minor
upheavals,
there
were
two
events
of
major
significance;
the
three-years
Great
Leap
Forward
beginning
in
1958,
and
the
ten-year
"cultural
revolution"
beginning
in
1966.
These
errors
caused
enormous
losses
and
led
to
grave
crises
in
China.
However,
after
the
Third
Session
of
the
Eleventh
Central
Committee
of
the
CPC
we
became
more
mature
and
initiated
a
new
phase
of
constructing
socialism
with
Chinese
characteristics.
History
is
a
mirror
and
tells
us
that
no
matter
how
difficult
the
situation,
and
whatever
setbacks
the
revolution
may
experience,
it
will
win
in
the
end
because
it
follows
the
law
and
direction
of
historical
development.
Violent
changes
took
place
in
the
Soviet
Union
and
Eastern
Europe
in
the
late
1980s
and
early
90s.
The
communist
parties
lost
their
ruling
position,
socialism
was
abandoned,
and
the
world
socialist
movement
suffered
its
greatest
setback
this
century.
Hostile
forces
in
the
West
were
excited
and
asserted
categorically
that
Marxism
and
socialism
were
bankrupt.
The
future
and
destiny
were
pregnant
with
grim
possibilities
and
some
people
became
pessimistic.
Confronted
by
local
failure
and
temporary
setbacks,
Comrade
Deng
Xiaoping
solemnly
stated
with
the
foresight
of
a
great
statesman,
"Don't
panic,
don't
think
that
Marxism
has
disappeared,
that
it's
not
useful
any
more
and
that
it
has
been
defeated.
Nothing
of
the
sort!"[iv]
When
socialism
was
at
a
low
ebb
across
the
world
it
radiated
vigor
and
dynamism
in
China.
China's
economy
has
been
developing
rapidly
and
in
a
healthy
manner,
the
living
conditions
of
the
people
have
been
improving
and
the
overall
capacity
of
the
country
has
been
strengthened.
All
these
indisputable
achievements
have
been
highly
appreciated
by
all
those
who
harbor
no
prejudice
against
China.
The
great
cause
of
building
socialism
with
Chinese
characteristics
under
the
guidance
of
Deng
Xiaoping
theory
is
not
only
a
pioneering
undertaking
in.
China
but
also
of
world
significance.
Deng
Xiaoping
pointed
out
that
if
we
can
achieve
the
strategic
goal
of
reaching
the
level
of
moderately
developed
countries
by
the
middle
of
the
next
century,
"we
shall
not
only
have
blazed
a
new
path
for
the
peoples
of
the
Third
World,
who
represent
three
quarters
of
world's
population,
but
also
-
and
is
even
more
important
-
we
shall
have
demonstrated
to
mankind
that
socialism
is
the
only
path
and
that
it
is
superior
to
capitalism."[v]
Complex
objective
and
subjective
reasons
account
for
the
twist
and
turns
in
the
development
of
socialism.
First,
the
long-term
existence
of
class
struggle
both
at
home
and
abroad.
"The
tree
desires
stillness
but
the
wind
will
not
cease."
Class
struggle
exists
independent
of
man's
will.
Where
there
is
a
struggle
there
will
inevitably
be
fluctuations,
and
high
and
low
tides,
victory
and
defeat,
and
progress
and
setbacks
are
just
normal
phenomena
and
are
not
unexpected.
Second,
the
socialist
system
is
a
completely
new
social
system
in
the
history
of
mankind
and
its
development
has
to
undergo
a
long
historical
process
from
inexperience
to
experience,
from
imperfect
to
perfect,
from
immature
to
mature.
It
is
hard
to
completely
avoid
mistakes,
twists
and
reverses
during
this
process.
We
can
try
to
arrive
at
a
correct
understanding
by
following
the
patter,
"practice,
knowledge,
and
then
back
to
practice,
knowledge,"
constantly
summing
up
our
experiences
and
moving
step
by
step
from
the
realm
of
necessity
to
the
realm
of
freedom.
Third,
if
the
party
and
government
leadership
of
a
socialist
country
cannot
earnestly
correct
their
political
errors
or
effectively
combat
corruption
within
their
ranks,
the
situation
will
become
complex
and
grave,
and
major
reverses
or
even
great
historical
retrogression
will
follow.
The
first
two
are
objective
in
nature,
while
the
third
is
subjective.
If
no
major
problems
occur
with
regard
to
the
leadership,
the
wheel
of
history
will
not
be
turned
back
even
though
it
is
impossible
to
avoid
minor
setbacks.
However,
from
a
long-term
perspective,
no
matter
what
twists
and
turns
may
take
place,
these
only
constitute
a
link
in
the
whole
chain
of
historical
development,
they
do
not,
and
cannot,
after
the
general
trend
of
historical
development.
This
is
just
like
the,
Yellow
River:
it
has
many
turns
and
meanderings,
but
it
nevertheless
continues
to
flow
into
the
eastern
seas.
In
this
regard
we
must
pay
attention
to
the
following
points:
1.
Do
not
take
the
temporary
setbacks
as
the
end
of
point
of
historical
development.
On
the
contrary,
we
should
observe
things
from
the
perspective
of
historical
development
and
take
the
setbacks
for
what
they
reality
are,
a
temporary
phenomenon
and
a
link
in
the
chain
in
human
history.
We
must
be
firm
in
our
faith
and
conviction
in
the
face
of
any
difficulties
and
grasp
the
general
trend
of
historical
development.
2.
We
should
earnestly
summarize
our
experience
and
the
lessons
learned
and
try
by
every
means
to
avoid
losses
that
could
be
avoided.
The
pivotal
point
in
this
connection
is
to
strengthen
the
building
of
the
Party
and
maintain
the
correctness
of
leadership.
3.
We
are
convinced
that
even
in
the
Soviet
Union
and
Eastern
European
countries
in
which
there
have
been
great
historical
reverses,
the
broad
masses
and
the
true
communists
will
re-select
the
socialist
road
after
conscientious
reflection
-
this
process
may
be
and
painful,
but
undoubtedly
things
will
develop
in
this
direction
-
this
is
a
historical
law
independent
of
man's
will.
II.
Summarizing
the
Historical
Experience
of
Socialism
in
a
Scientific
Way
Engels
pointed
out
that,
"There
is
no
better
road
to
theoretical
clearness
of
comprehension
than
to
learn
by
one's
mistakes,
durch
Schaden
klug
werden."[vi]
Deng
Xiaoping
said,
"In
building
socialism
we
have
had
both
positive
and
negative
experience,
and
they
are
equally
useful
to
us."[vii]
"The
experience
of
successes
is
valuable,
and
so
is
the
experience
of
mistakes
and
defeats.
Formulating
principles
and
policies
in
this
way
enables
us
to
unify
the
thinking
of
the
whole
Party
so
as
to
achieve
a
new
unity:
unity
formed
on
this
basis
is
most
reliable."[viii]
In
summarizing
our
experience
we
must,
first
of
all,
have
a
correct
approach,
for
different
approaches
lead
to
different,
even
opposite,
conclusions.
We
should
abide
by
at
least
three
principles
when
summarizing
the
historical
experiences
of
socialism
under
the
guidance
of
Marxist
philosophy:
Firstly,
emphasis
should
be
given
to
the
analysis
of
internal
causes
rather
than
the
role
of
external
causes.
In
this
regard
there
are
both
positive
and
negative
examples
both
in
history
and
in
the
present.
At
the
Zunyi
Meeting
in
1935
there
was
heated
dispute
over
why
the
fifth
counter-campaign
against
the
enemy's
"encirclement
and
suppression"
had
failed.
Otto
Braun
(1901-1974),
a
German
and
the
military
adviser
from
the
Communist
International,
made
a
speech
at
the
meeting,
Braun
said
the
sole
reason
for
the
failure
was
that
the
enemy
was
too
powerful.
Such
a
conclusion
was
completely
useless
since
in
the
initial
period
of
a
revolution
the
enemy
is
invariably
more
powerful.
If
we
were
doomed
to
failure
because
the
enemy
was
more
powerful
then
there
would
never
be
any
hope
of
victory.
Mao
Zedong
refuted
Braun's
argument
at
the
meeting.
Mao
later
conducted
a
philosophical
analysis
of
this
question.
On
pages
105-108
of
Mao
Zedong
Zhexue
ji
(Collected
Philosophical
Notes
of
Mao
Zedong)
there
is
a
lengthy
discussion
on
this
issue.
These
ideas
were
later
incorporated
into
his
exposition
on
the
relationship
between
internal
and
external
causes
in
the
chapter
"The
Two
World
Outlooks"
in
on
contradiction.
Mao
Zedong
wrote
in
Collected
Philosophical
Notes,
"The
view
that
'you
can't
blame
the
failure
on
the
command
because
it
was
the
decree
of
Heaven'
is
erroneous.
The
overwhelming
power
of
the
enemy
was
one
of
the
reasons
for
the
failure
of
the
fifth
counter-campaign
against
the
'encirclement
and
suppression,'
but
it
was
not
the
main
reason.
The
main
reason
lay
in
the
mistakes
in
the
command,
the
cadre
policy,
the
foreign
policy
and
military
adventurism.
In
a
word,
opportunism
is
responsible
for
the
failure."[ix]
He
also
pointed
out
in
On
Contradiction
that,
"In
battle,
one
army
is
victorious
and
the
other
is
defeated:
both
the
victory
and
the
defeat
are
determined
by
internal
causes."
"External
causes
become
operative
through
internal
causes
."
"In
China
in
1927,
the
defeat
of
the
proletariat
by
the
big
bourgeoisie
came
about
through
the
opportunism
then
to
be
found
within
the
Chinese
proletariat
itself
(inside
the
Chinese
Communist
Party).
When
we
liquidated
this
opportunism,
the
Chinese
revolution
resumed
its
advance.
Later,
the
Chinese
revolution
again
suffered
severe
setbacks
at
the
hands
of
the
enemy,
because
adventurism
had
risen
within
our
Party.
When
we
liquidated
this
adventurism,
our
cause
advanced
once
again."[x]
It
is
thus
clear
that
when
we
summarize
experience
emphasis
should
be
placed
on
the
analysis
of
the
internal
causes;
the
key
issue
is
whether
or
not
the
Party
has
a
correct
political
line.
If
a
political
party
is
to
lead
the
revolution
to
victory
it
has
to
rely
on
its
correct
political
line
and
consolidated
organisation.
Although
the
strategy
of
peaceful
revolution
of
hostile
forces
a
role
to
play,
the
fundamental
cause
of
the
failure
of
socialism
in
the
Soviet
Union
and
Eastern
Europe
was
to
be
found
inside
the
Party,
in
the
Party's
political
line,
and
in
the
Party's
policies.
The
historical
reason
was
the
long-term
ossified
thinking
and
structure
that
made
it
impossible
to
bring
the
superiority
of
socialism
into
full
play
and
caused
dissatisfaction
among
the
people.
In
some
countries
the
enemy
directly
utilised
such
dissatisfaction
and
overthrew
the
socialist
system,
while
in
other
countries
the
leadership
were
aware
of
the
problems
and
attempted
to
find
a
solution
and
initiated
reform.
But
they
chose
a
Right
opportunist
line
and
the
enemy
made
use
of
the
opportunism
and
went
from
weak
to
strong,
finally
seizing
power
from
either
within
or
outside
and
bringing
about
the
collapse
of
socialism.
However,
socialism
stands
lofty
firm
and
has
been
developing
vigorously
in
China.
This
demonstrates
in
a
positive
way
that
if
the
Communist
Party
pursues
a
Marxist
line,
any
plotting
by
internal
or
external
hostile
forces
towards
peaceful
evolution
will
fail.
Following
the
dramatic
changes
in
the
Soviet
Union
and
Eastern
Europe,
Deng
Xiaoping
said
with
foresight
that
the
key
link
was
to
manage
our
own
affairs
well.
He
also
pointed
out
in
his
talks
during
his
tour
to
the
southern
provinces
that,
"if
any
problem
arises
in
China,
it
will
arise
inside
the
Communist
Party."
"In
the
final
analysis
we
must
manage
the
Party
affairs
in
such
a
way
as
to
prevent
trouble."
First
and
foremost
the
Communist
Party
must
have
a
correct
political
line.
If
we
firmly
hold
to
the
basic
line
of
"one
central
task,
two
basic
points"[xi]
and
eliminate
interference
from
Right
and
"Left"
there
will
be
no
major
disturbances;
if
problems
do
occur,
they
will
be
easy
to
resolve.
Secondly,
in
summarising
our
experience
we
should
emphasize
the
content
and
causes
of
the
errors
rather
than
blaming
certain
individuals.
This
involves
whether
or
not
we
uphold
historical
materialism.
Of
course,
if
there
are
errors
in
the
Party
line,
the
leaders,
the
principal
leader
in
particular,
must
bear
the
main
responsibility.
They
should
be
unequivocally
criticized
for
their
mistakes
And
organisational
measures
should
be
taken
if
necessary.
However,
we
should
not
put
all
the
blame
on
individuals,
nor
should
we
give
them
all
the
credit.
In
discussing
summarizing
experience
of
the
democratic
revolution
in
"Our
Study
And
Current
Situation
,"
Mao
Zedong
said,
"In
dealing
with
questions
of
Party
history
we
should
lay
the
stress
not
on
the
responsibility
of
certain
individual
comrades
but
on
the
analysis
of
the
circumstances
in
which
the
errors
were
committed,
on
the
content
of
these
errors
and
on
their
social,
historical
and
ideological
roots."[xii]
Only
in
this
way
can
we
draw
lessons
in
earnest
and
find
a
solution
to
the
mistakes
while
examining
these
mistakes.
Neither
of
the
resolutions
on
certain
historical
questions
in
the
history
of
the
CPC
placed
too
great
an
emphasis
on
the
responsibility
of
individuals,
but
both
stressed
an
analysis
of
the
historical
conditions
under
which
the
errors
were
committed,
on
the
content
and
causes
of
these
errors,
and
on
how
to
correct
them;
this
embodied
the
guiding
principle
of
"achieving
the
twofold
objective
of
clarity
in
ideology
and
unity
among
comrades"
advocated
by
Mao
Zedong.
The
Soviet
leaders
did
not
adopt
such
an
attitude
towards
Stalin.
Over
a
period
of
39
years,
beginning
with
Nikita
Khrushchev
and
going
all
the
way
to
Mikhail
Gorbachaev,
they
continued
to
curse
Stalin,
as
if
everything
would
have
been
all
right
had
Stalin
been
completely
discredited.
At
the
same
time,
they
paid
little
attention
to,
let
alone
conducting
a
penetrating
and
concrete
analysis
of,
the
historical
environment
and
the
ideological
and
institutional
reasons
for
the
mistakes
made
by
Stalin.
Needless
to
say,
they
did
not
draw
any
useful
experience
and
lessons
for
the
whole
party
and
were
thus
unable
to
find
a
solution
to
these
problems.
On
the
contrary,
in
the
great
movement
against
Stalin
the
way
was
opened
for
opportunism
to
run
wild.
Thirdly
in
summing
up
our
experience
we
should
treat
all
questions
analytically,
neither
affirming
nor
negating
everything.
During
the
Stalinist
period,
the
Soviet
Communist
Party
made
serious
mistakes
in
its
political,
economic,
foreign
and
religious
policies
and
policies
on
ethnic
affairs.
These
mistakes
caused
great
damage
to
the
socialist
system
of
the
Soviet
Union,
and
had
a
very
influence
on
other
socialist
countries.
However,
we
should
adopt
a
realistic
and
practical
attitude
and
should
not
think
that
in
the
Soviet
Union
under
Stalin
everything
went
wrong
and
Stalin
was
wrong
in
everything.
Otherwise
how
can
we
explain
why
the
Soviet
economy
once
had
rapid
growth,
how
it
withstood
the
trials
of
World
War
II
and
defeated
Fascist
Germany,
and
how
an
originally
backward
Russia
became
a
superpower
vying
with
Americas
in
only
a
few
decades?
Negating
everything
could
only
lead
to
the
negation
of
the
Soviet
Communist
Party,
the
negation
of
socialism
and
the
negation
of
Marxism.
We
should
also
conduct
concrete
analyses
of
the
Soviet
model,
that
is,
the
over-concentrated
economic
and
political
system
established
in
the
1930s.
On
the
one
hand,
this
system
did
have
drawbacks
that
had
to
be
corrected;
on
the
other
hand,
we
must
admit
that
it
had
its
roots
in
history.
In
war
time
and
faced
by
the
threat
of
war
the
highly
concentrated
system
played
a
vital
role.
Our
party
did
not
adopt
the
metaphysical
approach
that
negates
everything
in
summarizing
historical
experiences,
including
the
experiences
and
lessons
of
the
'cultural
revolution,"
The
"Resolution"
points
out,
on
the
one
hand,
that
the
"cultural
revolution"
was
"an
internal
disorder
that
was
wrongly
started
by
the
leader,
was
made
use
of
by
the
counterrevolutionary
clique
and
brought
about
serious
disasters
to
the
Party,
the
state
and
the
people
of
all
nationalities."
On
the
other,
it
declares,
"during
this
period
none
of
the
Party,
the
people's
power,
the
people's
army
and
the
whole
society
changed
its
color,
"while
indicating
the
serious
mistakes
made
by
Mao
Zedong
in
his
later
years
the
"Resolution"
says,
"So
far
as
his
whole
life
is
concerned,
his
contributions
to
the
Chinese
revolutions
are
far
greater
than
his
errors.
His
contributions
are
primary
and
his
errors
are
secondary."
Thus,
while
pointing
out
that
the
original
socialist
structure
had
serious
drawbacks
and
that
it
was
imperative
to
carry
out
reform,
we
stressed
that
we
must
keep
to
the
basic
socialist
system.
The
reform
is
self-improvement
of
socialism,
and
under
no,
circumstance
should
we
turn
correction
of
"Left"
mistakes
into
negation
of
Marxism
and
socialism.
Just
as
Deng
Xiaoping
said,
we
must
see
two
sides
of
a
problem;
if
we
see
only
one
side
we
will
make
mistakes.
Only
when
we
appraise
our
work
from
the
perspective
that
not
everything
is
either
completely
positive
or
completely
negative
can
we
scientifically
sum
up
historical
experiences.
And
Historical
Materialism
in
Constructing
Socialism
Deng Xiaoping pointed out that, “The experience of the last 20 years has taught us one very important principle: to build socialism we must adhere to Marxist dialectical materialism and historical materialism or, as Comrade Mao Zedong put it, in everything we do we must seek truth from facts – in other words, we must proceed from reality.”[xiii] This is a brilliant summation of the historical experience of socialism. Seeking truth from facts is the quintessence of Marxism-Leninism, the quintessence of Mao Zedong Thought and the quintessence of Deng Xiaoping theory.
Marxism
is
scientific
because
it
is
always
based
on
objective
realities.
Engles
said,
“To
make
a
science
a
socialism,
it
had
first
to
be
placed
upon
a
real
basis.”[xiv]
Marx
and
Engles
were
wiser
than
the
Utopian
socialist,
not
only
in
that
they
portrayed
a
set
of
more
elaborate
and
detailed
ideal
pictures
of
socialism
than
the
latter,
but
also
in
that
they
created
historical
materialism,
discovered
in
the
history
of
labour
the
key
to
the
mystery
of
man’s
social
development,
and
revealed
the
general
law
of
the
development
of
human
society.
Guided
by
this
general
law,
they
then
investigated
the
law
governing
contradictions
in
capitalist
society
and
established
the
theory
of
surplus
value,
by
means
of
which
they
revealed
the
secrets
of
capitalist
exploitation
of
workers
and
aroused
the
main
force
for
burying
capitalism
–
the
proletariat.
Engels
wrote
in
“The
German
Ideology”
150
years
ago,
“Communism
is
for
us
not
a state
of
affairs
which
is
to
be
established,
an
ideal
to
which
reality
will
have
to
adjust
itself.
We
call
communism
the
real
movement
which
abolishes
the
present
state
of
things.”[xv]
That
is
to
say,
they
did
not
begin
to
design
an
ideal
society
using
wishful
thinking
and
abstract
principles
of
reason
and
justice,
but
always
proceeded
from
reality
and
tried
to
discover
a
new
world
by
criticizing
the
old,
and
looked
for
solutions
by
criticizing
current
conditions.
Guided
by
dialectical
materialism
and
historical
materialism,
Marx
and
Engels
changed
socialism
from
a
Utopian
to
a
scientific
theory.
However,
during
the
process
of
its
realisation,
the
theory
of
scientific
socialism
would
have
produced
only
empty
fantasies
if
it
had
been
divorced
from
the
guidance
of
dialectical
materialism
and
historical
materialism.
In
the
past,
regardless
of
the
actual
level
of
productive
forces,
we
sought
pure,
unadulterated
socialism
in
readjusting
the
relations
of
production
and
were
over-anxious
for
quick
results
in
developing
productive
forces.
We
also
persisted
in
"taking
class
struggle
as
the
key
link”
even
when
class
struggle
was
no
longer
the
principal
contradiction
under
the
new
historical
conditions.
All
these
were
reflections
of
socialist
fantasies,
which
led
to
gross
mistakes
in
the
political
line
and
policy
decisions.
The
Third
Session
of
the
Eleventh
Central
Committee
of
the
CPC
was
a
great
historical
turning
point
in
China’s
socialist
cause.
This
change
began
with
the
rectification
of
the
ideological
line.
Without
the
great
debate
over
the
criteria
of
truth
and
the
reestablishment
of
the
ideological
line
of
emancipating
the
mind
and
seeking
truth
facts,
it
would
have
been
impossible
to
correct
the
previous
“Left”
mistakes,
shift
the
focus
of
work
to
economic
construction,
and
introduce
a
complete
new
set
of
policies
of
reform
and
opening-up.
This
clearly
demonstrates
that
a
correct
ideological
line
is
of
decisive
importance
for
a
ruling
party
directing
socialist
construction.
This
is
the
case
in
China,
as
it
is
in
other
socialist
countries.
It
is
true
that
the
reasons
for
the
violent
changes
in
the
Soviet
Union
and
Eastern
Europe
are
very
complex
and
vary
with
different
countries,
but
in
the
final
analysis
the
ideological
of
these
countries
went
wrong.
For
a
relatively
long
period
of
time
dogmatism
and
personality
cults
were
rampant.
They
made
the
“Left”
mistake
of
magnifying
the
extent
of
class
struggle
and
produced
a
rigid
socialist
model,
with
the
result
that
the
superiority
of
socialism
could
not
be
brought
into
full
play.
When
the
reform
was
initiated
they
then
went
to
the
other
extreme
and
made
“Rightist”
mistakes.
For
example,
ideologically
Marxism
was
treated
as
dogma,
but
subsequently
Marxism
was
denied
its
leading
role.
Politically,
they
exaggerated
class
struggle,
but
then
denied
the
existence
of
class
struggle
and
trumpeted
the
so-called
“socialism
with
a
human
face.”
They
had
deprived
the
people
of
their
right
to
democracy,
but
then
opposed
the
leadership
of
the
Communist
Party
under
the
cloak
of
“political
pluralism”
and
practiced
a
“multi-party
system.”
Economically,
they
pursued
a
policy
of
pure
public
ownership,
but
then
privatised
everything.
All
these
factors
demonstrate
that
the
root
cause
of
the
failure
of
socialism
in
the
Soviet
Union
and
Eastern
Europe
was
the
wrong
ideological
line,
just
as
Mao
Zedong
pointed
out,
“All
big
political
mistakes
are
rooted
in
their
deviation
from
dialectical
materialism.”[xvi]
From the historical experience we have realised that:
First, in constructing socialism we must proceed from reality and persist in integrating Marxism with the specific conditions.
The
theory
of
socialism
created
by
Marx
and
Engels
reveals
the
historical
inevitability
of
the
substitution
of
socialism
for
capitalism,
and
the
basic
laws
to
be
followed
in
accomplishing
this
substitution.
However,
it
does
not
provide
every
country
with
a
ready
answer
to
its
problems.
In
leading
the
people
towards
the
construction
of
socialism,
the
proletarian
party
in
each
country
must
proceed
from
its
national
conditions
and
search
for
a
socialist
road
with
its
own
characteristics.
There
is
no
fixed
model
of
socialism.
The
fundamental
lesson
learnt
from
the
practice
of
socialism
in
the
past,
particularly
the
Soviet
experience
and
model,
is
not
to
make
a
dogma
out
of
Marxism.
Mao
Zedong
was
aware
of
this
and
tried
to
break
away
from
this
model
and
blaze
a
path
of
his
own,
but
failed
for
various
reasons.
It
was
only
after
the
Third
Session
of
the
Eleventh
Central
Committee
of
the
CPC
that
the
Chinese
Communists
headed
by
Deng
Xiaoping
raised
the
clarion
call
of
“building
socialism
with
Chinese
characteristics,”
and
opened
up
a
new
road,
under
the
guidance
of
the
ideological
line
of
emancipating
the
mind
the
seeing
truth
from
facts.
Deng
Xiaoping
said,
“We
have
repeatedly
declared
that
we
shall
adhere
to
Marxism
and
keep
to
the
socialist
road.
But
by
Marxism
we
mean
Marxism
that
is
integrated
with
Chinese
conditions,
and
by
socialism
we
mean
a
socialism
that
is
tailored
to
Chinese
conditions
and
has
a
specifically
Chinese
character.”[xvii]
He
added,
“After
a
successful
revolution
each
country
must
build
socialism
according
to
its
own
conditions.
There
are
not
and
cannot
be
fixed
models.”[xviii]
This
is
a
scientific
summation
of
historical
experiences
in
socialist
construction
at
home
and
abroad
and
has
universal
significance.
Breaking
away
from
ideological
rigidity
and
following
one’s
road
hinges
on
a
scientific
understanding
of
the
national
conditions.
One
of
the
most
important
questions
involved
making
a
sober
estimate
of
the
stage
socialism
has
reached
in
a
particular
country.
A
common
mistake
in
the
international
communist
movement
is
to
overestimate
the
maturity
of
socialism
in
one’s
own
country,
which
results
in
the
error
of
overstepping
historical
conditions.
After
a
long
period
of
practice
and
exploration,
China
began
to
have
a
clear
understanding
of
its
national
conditions
in
the
primary
stage
of
socialism,
found
its
correct
position
in
the
long
process
of
socialist
development
and
formulated
the
basic
line
of
“one
central
task,
two
basic
points”
and
a
full
set
of
principles
and
policies.
Second,
the
theory
of
scientific
socialism
must
develop
with
the
development
of
practice
and
science.
Tremendous
changes
have
taken
place
over
the
more
than
one
hundred
yeas
since
the
appearance
of
the
theory
of
scientific
socialism,
and
especially
in
recent
decades
the
violence
and
depth
of
these
changes
have
been
beyond
man’s
imagination.
Deng
Xiaoping
said,
“The
World
changes
every
day,
and
modern
science
and
technology
in
particular
develop
rapidly.
A
year
today
is
the
equivalent
of
several
decades,
a
century
or
even
a
longer
period
in
ancient
times.
Anyone
who
fails
to
carry
Marxism
forward
with
new
thinking
and
a
new
view
point
is
not
a
true
Marxist.”[xix]
We
cannot
expect
Marx
to
provide
a
ready
solution
to
the
problems
arising
a
hundred
years
or
more
after
his
death.
A
true
Marxist,
while
adhering
to
the
cardinal
principles
of
Marxism,
must
advance
new
theories
to
solve
new
problems
in
accordance
with
the
changing
times
and
new
situations
and
tasks.
Deng
Xiaoping
theory,
as
Marxism
in
contemporary
China,
did
not
denounce
the
basic
tenets
of
Marxism,
but
offered
many
new
propositions
which
were
strange
to
Marxism
yet
conformed
to
current
realities,
for
example:
Revolution
means
the
emancipation
of
productive
forces,
as
does
reform,
reform
is
the
Second
revolution
in
China;
Science
and
technology
are
productive
forces
and
the
primary
productive
forces,
economic
development
must
rely
on
science,
technology
and
education;
A
planned
economy
does
not
equate
with
socialism,
a
market
economy
does
not
equate
with
capitalism,
and
a
market
economy
can
be
practiced
under
socialism;
The
modern
world
is
an
open
world,
China
cannot
develop
without
the
rest
of
the
world,
and
opening
to
the
outside
world
is
one
of
China’s
basic
national
policies.
Deng
also
observed
the
world
from
a
Marxist
perspective
and
made
correct
analyses
of
the
epochal
characteristics
of
out
times
and
the
general
international
situation,
the
successes
and
failures
of
other
socialist
countries,
the
gains
and
losses
of
the
developing
countries
during
their
development
drive,
and
the
configuration
and
contradictions
of
the
growth
of
the
developed
countries.
On
the
basis
of
these
analyses
Deng
Xiaoping
made
a
series
of
a
scientific
judgments.
In
short,
Deng
Xiaoping
theory
is
creative
Marxism
and
his
great
vitality.
On
the
solid
basis
of
new
practice,
it
inherited
the
fine
tradition
of
Marxism,
broke
with
outmoded
conventions
and
opened
up
a
new
realm
of
Marxism.
What
Socialism
Is
and
How
It
is
to
be
Constructed
The key to adhering to Marxist dialectical materialism and historical materialism or, in other words, adhering to the ideological line of seeking truth from facts, is to make clear what socialism is and how it is to be constructed. This is a question of prime importance confronting socialism in contemporary times. After summing up the historical experience of the victories and setbacks of socialism in China, and learning from the practices in other socialist countries. Deng Xiaoping gave a scientific answer to this question, thereby raising the understanding of socialism to a new level.
Firstly, neither poverty nor slow development is socialism, the fundamental task of socialism is to develop productive forces.
Marx
and
Engels
pointed
out
in
Manifesto
of
the
Communist
Party
that
after
seizing
political
power
and
wrestling
capital
from
the
bourgeoisie,
the
proletariat
must
“increase
the
total
productive
forces
a
rapidly
as
possible.”[xx]
As
a
matter
of
fact,
socialism
in
all
countries
is
built
on
the
foundation
of
less
developed
productive
forces,
and
poverty
is
its
unfavorable
starting
point.
The
fundamental
task
in
practicing
socialism
should
therefore
be
to
eradicate
poverty.
However,
for
a
very
long
time
we
ignored
the
most
important
task
and
took
class
struggle
as
the
key
link
in
all
our
work.
Lin
Biao
and
the
“Gang
of
Four”[xxi]
even
fallaciously
put
forward
the
slogan:
“Poor
socialism
is
better
than
prosperous
capitalism.”
This
not
only
obscured
the
fundamental
task
of
socialism,
but
also
discredited
its
image.
In
view
of
these
mistaken
ideas
Deng
Xiaoping
pointed
out
that,
“The
fundamental
task
for
the
socialist
stage
is
to
develop
the
productive
forces.
The
superiority
of
the
socialist
system
is
demonstrated,
in
the
final
analysis,
by
faster
and
greater
development
of
those
forces
than
under
the
capitalist
system.
As
they
develop,
the
people’s
material
and
cultural
life
will
constantly
improve.”[xxii]
In
order
to
fulfil
this
fundamental
task
in
all
the
work
of
the
Party
and
the
state
we
must
always
take
economic
construction
as
the
pivot.
Deng
Xiaoping
emphasized
that,
“Since
our
modernisation
program
covers
many
fields,
it
calls
for
an
overall
balance
and
we
cannot
stress
one
to
the
neglect
of
the
others.
But
when
all
is
said
and
done,
economic
development
is
the
pivot.
Any
deviation
from
this
pivotal
task
endangers
our
material
base.
All
other
tasks
must
revolve
around
the
pivot
and
must
absolutely
not
interfere
with
or
upset
it.”[xxiii]
The
key
to
the
development
of
productive
forces
and
the
realisation
of
modernisation
is
science
and
education.
Comrade
Deng
Xiaoping
repeatedly
stressed
that,
“The
key
to
achieving
modernisation
is
the
development
of
science
and
technology.
And
unless
we
pay
special
attention
to
education,
it
will
be
impossible
to
develop
science
and
technology.
Empty
talk
will
get
our
modernisation
nowhere;
we
must
have
knowledge
and
trained
personnel.”[xxiv]
Deng
Xiaoping
watched
the
rapid
development
of
modern
science
and
technology
and
the
resultant
tremendous
social
changes
closely,
and,
based
on
his
profound
understanding
of
modern
productive
forces,
proposed
in
clear
terms
that,
“Science
and
technology
constitute
a
primary
productive
force.”[xxv]
Secondly, neither egalitarianism nor polarization are socialism – the ultimate goal of socialism is common prosperity. However, common prosperity does not mean prosperity for all at the same time; some people and some areas should be allowed to get rich first.
In
view
of
the
long-standing
egalitarian
conceptions
and
policies,
Deng
Xiaoping
emphasized
that
we
should
first
break
free
of
egalitarianism
and
allow
some
areas,
some
enterprises
and
some
workers
and
farmers
to
get
rich
first.
He
pointed
out
that,
“We
keep
to
the
socialist
road
in
order
to
attain
the
ultimate
goal
of
common
prosperity,
but
it
is
impossible
for
all
regions
to
develop
at
the
same
pace.
We
were
used
to
egalitarianism,
with
everyone
‘eating
from
the
same
big
pot.’
In
fact,
that
practice
meant
common
backwardness
and
poverty,
which
caused
us
much
suffering.
The
reform
is
designed,
first
and
foremost,
to
break
with
egalitarianism,
with
the
practice
of
having
everyone
‘eating
from
the
same
big
pot.’
It
seems
to
me
that
we
are
taking
the
right
path.”[xxvi]
This
major
policy
recognises
the
difference
between
areas,
enterprise
and
people,
requires
of
the
people
honest
labour
and
legal
operations,
takes
common
prosperity
as
the
ultimate
goal,
and
embodies
the
principle
of
giving
priority
of
efficiency
with
due
consideration
to
equity.
Encouraging
some
areas
and
people
to
get
rich
first
is
aimed
at
pushing
more
and
more
people
onto
the
road
to
becoming
rich
and
towards
the
goal
of
common
prosperity.
Deng
Xiaoping
pointed
out
that,
“The
greatest
superiority
of
socialism
is
that
it
enables
all
the
people
to
prosper,
and
common
prosperity
is
the
essence
of
socialism.
If
polarization
occurred,
things
would
be
different.
The
contradictions
between
various
ethnic
groups,
regions
and
classes
would
become
sharper
and
accordingly,
the
contradictions
between
the
central
and
local
authorities
would
also
be
intensified.
That
would
lead
to
disturbances."[xxvii]
The
great
difference
between
people’s
incomes
during
the
process
of
allowing
some
people
to
get
rich
first
should
be
tackled
conscientiously
and
needs
careful
and
skilful
handling.
Legal
high
incomes
should
be
allowed
and
protected,
but
at
the
same
time
necessary
regulatory
measures
must
be
imposed.
Sudden
hug
profits
acquired
illegally
must
be
disposed
of
according
to
law.
In
short,
in
handling
the
relationship
between
getting
rich
first,
getting
rich
later
and
common
prosperity,
we
must
take
into
account
the
overall
situation
and
in
no
circumstances
adopt
the
“Leftist”
policy
of
robbing
the
rich
to
give
to
the
poor.
The
important
thing
is
to
bring
every
positive
factor
into
play
and
do
everything
possible
to
develop
our
economy
and
increase
the
aggregate
national
value
of
production,
while
at
the
same
time
introducing
regulatory
distribution
and
tax
policies
to
ensure
social
equity
and
the
realisation
of
the
ultimate
goal
of
common
prosperity.
Thirdly, a planned economy does not necessarily mean practicing socialism and a market economy does not necessarily mean practicing capitalism, a market economy can be practiced under socialism.
For a long time in the past, both the Marxist and the Western bourgeois economist considered a planned economy to be the essence of socialism and a market economy as the basic feature of capitalism. This conception shackled the people. Deng Xiaoping resolutely refuted this view. He repeatedly emphasized that, “There is no fundamental contradiction between socialism and a market economy.”[xxviii] We must understand theoretically that the difference between capitalism and socialism is not a market economy as opposed to a planned economy. Socialism has regulation by market forces, and capitalism has control through planning.”[xxix] “Planning and regulation by the market are both means of controlling economic activity, and the market can also serve socialism.”[xxx] Deng Xiaoping’s advocacy of practicing a market economy under socialism was evidence that he always looked at things from the perspective of the development of productive forces. The essence of economic restructuring is market reorientation. One of the drawbacks of the traditional planned economy was its exclusion of and restrictions on market mechanisms, as Deng Xiaoping pointed out, “One way in which socialism is superior to capitalism is that under socialism the people of the whole country can work as one and concrete their strength on key projects. A shortcoming of socialism is that the market is not put to best use and the economy is too rigid.”[xxxi] By reform we mean invigorating the economy, putting the market to beset use, and having an orientation towards the market. Deng Xiaoping scientifically pointed out the compatibility of socialism and a market economy, and thereby laid the solid theoretical foundation for establishing the socialist market economy in China.
Fourthly, the essence of socialism is liberation and development of productive forces, elimination of exploitation and polarization, and the ultimate achievement of prosperity for all.
Based
on
his
understanding
of
the
development
of
productive
forces
as
the
fundamental
task
of
socialism,
common
prosperity
as
the
ultimate
goal
and
a
market
economy
as
a
means
of
socialist
economic
construction.
Deng
Xiaoping
gradually
came
to
have
a
firm
grasp
of
the
essence
of
socialism.
As
early
as
May
1980
he
raised
the
question
of
“the
essence
of
socialism.”
He
pointed
out
that,
“Socialism
is
a
very
good
term.
However,
if
we
do
not
do
a
good
job
of
it,
if
we
do
not
have
a
comprehensive
understanding
of
it
and
adopt
correct
policies,
its
essence
will
not
be
given
full
play.”[xxxii]
He
later
further
expounded
the
essence
of
socialism
from
the
two
aspects
of
invigorating
the
economy
and
common
prosperity.
He
said,
“An
invigorated
domestic
economy
will
help
promote
socialism
without
affecting
its
essence.”[xxxiii]
"The
greatest
superiority
of
socialism
is
that
it
enables
all
the
people,
and
common
prosperity
is
the
essence
of
socialism."[xxxiv]
In
his
discussion
aimed
at
clarifying
the
confusions
felt
by
some
over
the
questions
of
socialism
or
capitalism
during
his
inspection
of
the
southern
province
at
the
beginning
of
1992,
Deng
Xiaoping
epitomised
the
essence
of
socialism.
"The
essence
of
socialism
is
liberation
and
development
of
the
productive
forces,
elimination
of
exploitation
and
polarization
and
the
ultimate
achievement
of
prosperity
for
all."[xxxv]
This
inference
enriched
and
developed
the
Marxist
theory
of
socialism,
and
brought
to
light
the
inherent
relationships
between
the
various
specific
features
of
socialism,
pointed
out
the
direction
of
development
and
the
primary
task
of
socialism,
and
expounded
its
main
functions
and
values,
thus
raising
our
understanding
of
socialism
to
a
new
level.
This
inference
unified
productive
forces
and
the
relations
of
production,
the
development
and
emancipation
of
productive
forces,
and
the
goals
and
methods
required,
thereby
overcoming
the
earlier
limitations
of
a
biased
emphasis
on
relations
of
production
and
on
the
ultimate
goal
of
communism
to
the
neglect
of
the
emancipation
of
productive
forces
and
the
practical
means
of
achieving
these
goals.
This
inference
also
cast
aside
the
traditional
socialist
economic
theory
that
a
planned
economy
was
the
basic
feature
of
the
socialist
economic
system,
which
had
been
demonstrated
to
be
wrong
in
practice,
and
helped
the
further
deepening
of
our
understanding
of
socialism.
Fifthly,
without
democracy
there
would
be
no
socialism
or
socialist
modernisation,
and
democracy
is
an
important
political
feature
of
socialism.
In
view
of
the
wanton,
violation
of
democracy
and
the
legal
system
during
the
“cultural
revolution,”
Deng
Xiaoping
pointed
out
that,
“Without
democracy
there
can
be
no
socialism
and
no
socialist
modernisation.”[xxxvi]
Focusing
on
the
malfeasant
ways
the
“cultural
revolution”
was
operated,
he
added,
“It
is
true
that
errors
we
made
in
the
past
were
partly
attributable
to
the
way
of
thinking
and
style
of
work
of
some
leaders.
But
they
were
even
more
attributable
to
the
problems
in
our
organisational
and
working
system.
If
these
systems
are
sound,
they
can
place
restraints
on
the
actions
of
bad
people;
if
they
are
unsound,
they
may
hamper
the
efforts
of
good
people
or
indeed,
in
certain
cases,
may
push
them
in
the
wrong
direction.”
I
do
not
mean
that
the
individuals
concerned
should
not
bear
their
share
of
responsibility,
but
rather
that
the
problems
in
the
leadership
and
organisational
systems
are
more
fundamental,
widespread
and
long-lasting,
and
that
they
have
a
greater
effect
on
the
overall
interests
of
our
country.
This
is
a
question
that
has
a
close
bearing
on
whether
our
Party
and
state
will
change
political
color
and
should
therefore
command
the
attention
of
the
entire
Party.”[xxxvii]
Deng
therefore
maintained
that
“Democracy
has
to
be
institutionalised
and
written
into
law,
so
as
to
make
sure
that
institutions
and
laws
do
not
change
whenever
the
leadership
changes,
or
whenever
the
leaders
change
their
views
or
shift
the
focus
of
their
attention."[xxxviii]
"Alongside
the
expansion
of
our
productive
forces,
we
should
also
reform
and
improve
our
socialist
economic
and
political
structures,
build
a
highly-developed
socialist
democracy
and
perfect
the
socialist
legal
system."[xxxix]
By
improving
the
legal
system
we
mean
that
in
every
aspect
of
national
political,
economic
and
social
life,
and
at
every
link
of
democracy
and
dictatorship,
there
should
be
laws
to
follows,
that
these
laws
will
be
observed
and
strictly
enforced,
and
law-breakers
prosecuted.
Sixthly,
there
must
be
a
high
level
of
ideological
and
ethical
progress,
which
is
a
feature
of
socialist
ideology
and
culture.
Deng
Xiaoping
pointed
out
as
early
as
1979
that,
“While
working
for
a
socialist
civilization
which
is
materially
advanced,
we
should
build
one
which
is
culturally
and
ideologically
advanced
by
raising
the
scientific
and
cultural
level
of
the
whole
nation
and
promoting
a
rich
and
diversified
cultural
life
inspired
of
high
ideal."[xl]
Developing
socialist
ideological
and
ethical
progress
is
not
an
issue
that
involved
only
a
local
area,
but
is
a
matter
of
overall
importance
for
building
socialism.
In
terms
of
the
basic
theory
of
socialism,
the
socialist
society
will
be
one
in
which
there
is
all-round
economic,
political
and
cultural
development.
Ideological
and
ethical
progress
is
an
important
cultural
feature
of
a
socialist
society
and
one
aspect
of
the
superiority
of
socialism
over
capitalism.
In
terms
of
the
goals
of
modernization
established
by
the
Party’s
basic
line,
economic
development,
political
democracy
and
ideological
and
ethical
progress
form
an
organic
whole.
Ideological
and
ethical
progress
is
not
only
an
integral
part
of
the
general
objective,
but
also
an
ideological
guarantee
for
providing
the
whole
modernization
drive
with
motive
force,
intellectual
support
and
a
correct
direction.
Deng
Xiaoping
therefore
emphasized
that
we
must
firmly
grasp
two
links
at
the
same
time,
that
is,
achieving
material
progress
and
simultaneously
fostering
ideological
and
ethical
progress.
Seventhly,
we
must
construct
socialism
through
reform
and
opening-up
and
the
policy
of
reform
and
opening-up
has
a
most
important
bearing
on
the
destiny
of
the
nation.
Engels
said
in
his
letter
to
Otto
von
Boenigk,
“To
my
mind,
the
so-called
socialist
society,
is
not
anything
immutable.
Like
all
other
social
formations,
it
should
be
conceived
in
a
state
of
constant
flux
and
change."[xli]
Stalin
believed
that
in
socialist
society
the
relations
of
production
and
productive
forces,
the
superstructure
and
the
economic
base
were
“perfectly
in
harmony,”
and
that
moral
and
political
unity
was
the
motive
force
for
the
development
of
socialist
society.
Ideas
that
denied
the
existence
in
socialist
society
of
contradictions
between
productive
forces
and
the
relations
of
production,
and
between
the
economic
base
and
the
superstructure,
inevitably
led
to
the
denial
of
the
need
for
reform
of
socialism,
and
thus
ossified
the
economic
and
political
systems.
In
contrast,
Deng
Xiaoping
attached
primary
importance
to
reform
and
opening-up
and
saw
them
as
the
most
important
aspects
in
practice
and
the
most
noticeable
features
in
the
new
era.
He
emphasized
that
China
must
carry
out
a
policy
of
reform:
“There
is
no
other
solution
for
us."[xlii]
"Economy
reform
is
the
only
way
to
develop
productive
forces."[xliii]
"Reform
is
China’s
second
revolution."[xliv]
He
also
proposed
criteria
for
judging
specific
policies
and
measures.
He
said,
“The
chief
criterion
for
making
that
judgement
should
be
whether
it
promotes
the
growth
of
the
productive
forces
in
a
socialist
society,
increases
the
overall
strength
of
the
socialist
state
and
raises
living
standards."[xlv]
Opening-up
is
also
reform.
Deng
Xiaoping
pointed
out
that
the
world
now
is
open,
and
China’s
development
cannot
be
achieved
without
the
rest
of
the
world.
He
elaborated
on
the
great
importance
of
reform
and
opening-up
for
the
construction
of
socialism
with
Chinese
characteristics,
and
said,
“If
we
want
socialism
to
achieve
superiority
over
capitalism,
we
should
not
hesitate
to
draw
on
the
achievements
of
all
cultures
and
to
learn
from
all
other
countries,
including
the
developed
capitalist
countries,
all
advanced
methods
and
operation
and
techniques
of
management
that
reflect
the
laws
governing
modern
socialized
production."[xlvi]
Deng
saw
opening
to
the
outside
world
as
a
vital
link
in
attaining
the
grand
goal
of
socialist
modernization
in
China.
He
pointed
out
during
a
discussion
on
quadrupling
the
GNP
by
the
end
of
the
century
and
longer-term
objectives
that,
“we
shall
not
be
able
to
reach
this
new
target
without
the
policy
of
opening
to
the
outside
world…….If
we
don’t
open
to
the
outside
world,
it
will
be
difficult
to
quadruple
the
GNP
and
even
more
difficult
to
make
further
progress
after
that.
Foreigners
worry
that
our
open
policy
might
change.
I
have
said
that
it
will
not
change.
I
have
told
them
that
our
first
target
covers
the
period
between
now
and
the
end
of
the
century
and
that
we
have
a
second
target
to
attain
within
another
30
to
50
years,
may
be
longer,
but
say
50
years
–
in
which
the
open
policy
will
remain
indispensable."[xlvii]
Under
his
leadership
and
guidance
the
CPC
formulated
the
basic
principles
and
policies
of
opening
to
the
outside
world,
and
arrangements
for
China’s
opening
to
the
outside
world
in
an
all-round
way
have
subsequently
been
made.
Eighthly,
in
building
socialism
it
is
essential
to
uphold
and
improve
the
leadership
of
the
CPC.
One
of
the
important
lessons
learned
from
the
dramatic
changes
that
took
place
in
the
Soviet
Union
and
Eastern
Europe
is
that
the
leadership
of
the
Communist
Party
should
not
be
discarded.
In
the
new
period
of
socialist
construction,
Deng
Xiaoping
repeatedly
stressed
the
importance
of
strengthening
the
Party’s
leadership.
He
said,
“In
the
final
analysis,
without
party
leadership,
it
would
be
impossible
to
achieve
anything
in
contemporary
China.”[xlviii]
The
great
achievements
in
China
since
the
reform
and
opening-up
were
all
scored
under
the
leadership
of
the
Communist
Party.
"China
and
China’s
drive
for
socialist
modernization"
he
said,
“must
be
led
by
the
Communist
Party.
This
is
an
unshakable
principle."[xlix]
At
the
same
time,
he
also
stressed
that
in
order
to
strengthen
the
Party’s
leadership
it
is
necessary
first
to
improve
it.
Under
new
conditions
and
confronted
by
the
new
tasks,
the
Party
should
study
new
situations
and
problems
in
a
spirit
of
reform,
and
improve
its
methods
and
style
of
work
and
its
ways
of
conducting
activities.
Deng
Xiaoping
pointed
out
that,
“In
order
to
uphold
Party
leadership,
we
must
strive
to
improve
it."[l]
"To
improve
Party
leadership,
it
is
necessary
to
improve
its
present
state
and
the
system
under
which
it
functions,
in
addition
to
making
changes
in
the
Party’s
organisation."[li]
In
accordance
with
the
new
historical
conditions.
Deng
Xiaoping
proposed
the
objective
of
building
the
party:
“Our
Party
will
become
a
militant
Marxist
party,
a
powerful
central
force
leading
the
people
throughout
the
country
in
their
efforts
to
build
a
socialist
society
that
is
advanced
materially
and
ethically."[lii]
In
short,
the
realization
of
socialism
and
communism
is
the
greatest
and
most
glorious
cause,
but
also
complex
and
arduous
task.
We
can
only
blaze
a
path
towards
socialism
and
communism
while
struggling
against
various
hostile
forces
and
overcoming
a
variety
of
difficulties
and
obstacles.
In
view
of
the
pessimism
felt
towards
revolution
by
some
people
during
the
period
of
peaceful
development
of
capitalism,
in
1913,
Lenin
wrote
an
article
titled
the
“Historical
Destiny
of
Marxist
Doctrine.”
In
this
article
he
analysed
the
development
of
Marxism
since
the
appearance
of
Manifesto
of
the
Communist
Party
and
pointed
out
that
each
of
the
great
periods
of
world
history
had
brought
a
new
understanding
and
triumphs
for
Marxism.
He
also
predicted,
“A
still
greater
triumph
awaits
Marxism,
as
the
doctrine
of
the
proletariat,
in
the
coming
period
of
history."[liii]
Later
historical
developments
demonstrated
the
correctness
of
this
prediction.
Today,
when
the
world
socialist
movement
is
at
a
low
ebb,
the
vigorous
development
of
socialism
with
Chinese
characteristics
in
the
East
will
surely
bring
about
the
rejuvenation
of
the
socialist
cause
throughout
the
world.
Under
the
guidance
of
Deng
Xiaoping
theory
we
will
constantly
show
to
the
world
through
our
practice
that
socialism
has
great
vitality
and
an
infinitely
brighter
future.
n
Translated
by
Jiang
Yajuan
and
Zhang
Hongyan
from
Zhongguo
shehui
kexue,
2000,
no.
1
n
Revised
by
Yu
Sheng
and
Su
Xuetao
[i] Deng Xiaoping, Selected Works (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1994), vol. III, p.370
[ii] Karl Marx, The Civil War in France (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1974), p. 174
[iii] Lenin, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1978), vol. 29, p. 103
[iv] Op.cit., Deng Xiaoping, vol. III, p. 370
[v] Ibid., pp. 222-223
[vi] K. Marx and F. Engels, Selected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1983). Vol. 3, p. 482
[vii] Op. Cit., Deng Xiaoping, vol. III, p. 143
[viii] Ibid., p. 232
[ix] Mao Zedong, Mao Zedong zhexue puzhu ji (Collected Philosophical Notes of Mao Zedong) (Beijing: Central Literature Press, 1988), pp. 106-107
[x] Mao Zedong, Selected Works (Beijing: Foreign Languages press, 1964), vol. 1, p. 315.
[xi] The central task is economic development, the two basic points are adherence to the `Four Cardinal Principles (keeping to the socialist road, upholding the people's democratic dictatorship, leadership by the Communist Party, and Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought) and implementation of the reform and opening-up policy.
[xii] Op. cit., Mao Zedong, vol. III, p. 164
[xiii] Op.cit., Deng Xiaoping, vol. III, p. 164
[xiv] Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Selected Works (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1958), vol. II, p. 128
[xv] Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1976), vol. 5, p. 49
[xvi] Mao Zedong, Collected Philosophical Notes, pp. 311-312
[xvii] Op.cit., Deng Xiaoping, vol. III, p. 73
[xviii] Ibid., p. 285
[xix] Ibid., p. 284
[xx] Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1975), p. 59
[xxi] The "Gang of Four" refers to the conspiratorial clique during the "cultural revolution" headed by Jiang Qing (a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPC). The leading members were Zhang Chunqiao (a standing member of the Politburo of the Central Committee and Vice Premier of the State Council), Wang Hongwen (Vice Chairman of the Central Committee), and Yao Wenyuan (a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee).
[xxii] Op.cit., Deng Xiaoping, vol. III, p. 73
[xxiii] Op.cit., Deng Xiaoping, vol. II. P. 235
[xxiv] Ibid., Deng Xiaoping, vol. II, p. 53
[xxv] Op.cit., Deng Xiaoping, vol. III, p. 269
[xxvi] Ibid., p. 158
[xxvii] Ibid., p. 351
[xxviii] Ibid., p. 151
[xxix] Ibid., p. 351
[xxx] Ibid., p. 354
[xxxi] Ibid., p. 26
[xxxii] Deng Xiaoping, Selected Works (Chinese edition) (Beijing: the People's Publishing House, 1993), vol. II, p. 313
[xxxiii] Op.cit., Deng Xiaoping, vol. III, p. 139
[xxxiv] Ibid., p. 351
[xxxv] Ibid., p. 361
[xxxvi] Op.cit., Deng Xiaoping, vol. II, p. 176
[xxxvii] Ibid., p. 316
[xxxviii] Ibid., pp.157-158
[xxxix] Ibid., p. 201
[xl] Ibid.
[xli] K. Marx and F. Engels, Selected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1983, vol. 3, p. 485
[xlii] Op.cit., Deng Xiaoping, vol. III, p. 235
[xliii] Ibid., p. 142
[xliv] Ibid., p.119
[xlv] Ibid., p. 360
[xlvi] Ibid., pp. 361-362
[xlvii] Ibid., p.96
[xlviii] Op.cit., Deng Xiaoping, vol. II. P. 251
[xlix] Ibid., p. 253
[l] Ibid.
[li] Ibid., pp. 254-255
[lii] Op.cit., Deng Xiaoping, vol. III, p.50